Month: August 2009

Turks Growing More Confident over Turkey’s International Role

Turks Growing More Confident over Turkey’s International Role

Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 6 Issue: 158

August 17, 2009

By: Saban Kardas

An Ankara-based think-tank, Uluslararasi Stratejik Arastirmalar Kurumu (USAK), announced the findings of its 2009 public opinion poll on Turkish perceptions of foreign policy (www.usak.org.tr, August 14). The survey shows that the Turkish people prioritize national interests over global causes, and a visible increase in their self-confidence can be identified. Moreover, Turks continue to support E.U. accession, while the United States is still perceived as the major risk to Turkey’s security.

The survey indicated popular support for the government’s foreign policy. 49 percent of the 1,100 respondents believe that “Turkish foreign policy is successful,” while 27 percent evaluate it as unsuccessful, and 20 percent find it fair. The level of support for Turkish foreign policy has increased by 7 percent since the last survey in 2005.

These results might be attributed to the effect of the government’s recent foreign policy initiatives. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s pro-Palestinian policies earlier this year bolstered his popularity at home. Moreover, the government has used energy deals with the European Union and Russia as a public relations tool domestically to argue that the country has been emerging as a major energy hub and will become a global power. Such campaigns by the government might also have boosted its support.

There is growing self-confidence among the Turkish public about the country’s international standing. In response to the question: “Do you believe many countries are contemplating dividing Turkey?” 54 percent said yes. This is a rather high figure and it largely reflects Turkish negative perceptions of foreign powers and fears of territorial dismemberment. Nonetheless, it represents a significant decline from 72 percent in 2005 and 64 percent in 2004. The resolution of Turkey’s problems with its neighbors, and the diminishing threat from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) might explain this trend toward a more confident and less skeptical perception of the outside world.

The question: “What should be the priority of Turkish foreign policy?” produced revealing answers. A combination of military and economic security concerns proved most popular: prevention of terror attacks (13 percent), protection of Turkey’s economic interests (12 percent), preparing defense against foreign armies (10 percent), and boosting Turkish investments abroad (8 percent). These responses show that Turkish people still prioritize the advancement of “national interests” over the promotion of “global” issues. Dealing with environmental issues was at the bottom of the list. Likewise, the promotion of democracy and human rights abroad, assisting oppressed countries, or supporting Islamic causes received low levels of support (www.usak.org.tr, August 14).

In another significant reflection of the nationalist tendencies within Turkish society, 72 percent of the respondents defined the “identity of Turkey in international affairs” as “Turkish.” 13 percent regarded Turkey as a European state, 6 percent as Muslim and 5 percent as Middle Eastern.

On the question: “What country threatens Turkey the most?” the United States maintained its place at the top of the list (25 percent), followed by Israel (15 percent) and France (12 percent). Although the proportion of those who perceive the U.S. as the main threat has declined compared to 29 percent in 2005 and 28 percent in 2004, its place at the top of the list is revealing. Despite the rejuvenation of Turkish-American relations under the Obama administration, and their sympathy for him, the results suggest ongoing reservations toward American “policies,” and that more concrete measures might be needed to enhance these relations. Likewise, 32 of the respondents believe the United States is the country that poses the biggest threat to world peace.

Interestingly, these results are corroborated by the conclusions of the recent Pew Global Attitudes Survey. Although the election of Obama improved the U.S. image around the world, in Turkey along with other Muslim nations, U.S. favorability ratings still remain low (PEW, July 23).

Nonetheless, the United States climbed to fourth place on the friendly countries list, behind Azerbaijan, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Turkmenistan. In 2005, the United States ranked twelfth on the same list. Moreover, on a related question, “what country would come to Turkey’s rescue, if it was confronted a major problem such as war, civil conflict or natural disaster?” most Turks expected the United States (25 percent) to assist, followed by Azerbaijan (10 percent). Although Turks feel threatened by the policies of the United States, they essentially view it as an indispensable partner capable of providing security at difficult times, unlike other “friendly” countries that are either distant or too weak to offer any meaningful help.

One remarkable trend among the list of “threatening countries” concerns France. Whereas those who perceived France as a source of threat accounted for only 0.69 percent in 2003, that figure rose to 2.5 in 2004, and 12.9 percent in 2009. This negative attitude toward an E.U. member is indicative of Turkish people’s reactions to recent French policies. Apparently the French support for the Armenian theses, and Paris’s vocal opposition to Turkey’s E.U. accession are resented by not only the Turkish government, but also within the society (www.usak.org.tr, August 14).

Similarly, attitudes toward the other outspoken critic of Turkey inside the EU, Germany, also support similar conclusions. Whereas, Germany was not perceived as threatening in 2005, 1.82 percent of the respondents in 2009 said Germany threatens Turkey. Conversely, on the list of friendly countries, only 0.64 percent sees Germany as a friend, which indicates a dramatic decline from 8.2 percent in 2004.

Together, the negative reactions to France and Germany’s attempts to block Turkish accession suggest that Turks still value the E.U. membership process and the E.U. ideal. Indeed, in response to the question “where does Turkey’s future lie?” 56 percent chose the E.U., while those who preferred the Turkish or the Islamic world remained at 23.64 and 10 percent respectively. Nonetheless, Turks believe that their country’s rejection by the E.U. is due to religious and cultural differences and historical prejudices toward Turkey.

https://jamestown.org/program/turks-growing-more-confident-over-turkeys-international-role/

August 18, 2009
Ingush leader accuses West of seeking to destabilize Caucasus

MOSCOW, August 17 (RIA Novosti) – The president of Ingushetia, who is recovering from an attempt on his life, accused on Monday the United States, Britain and Israel of seeking to destabilize the situation in the North Caucasus.

A powerful bomb blast rocked the center of Nazran, Ingushetia’s largest city, leaving 19 dead and about 80 others injured on Monday morning.

“I am miles from believing that Arabs are behind this. There are other, more serious forces there… We understand whose interests these are: the United States, Britain, and Israel too,” President Yunus-Bek Yevkurov said in an interview with the Russian News Service (RSN) radio.

“The West will keep seeking to prevent Russia from reviving the former Soviet might,” he added.

Yevkurov was discharged from a top Moscow clinic last week and is due to return home by the end of August after a rehabilitation course. He underwent a series of operations after sustaining head and internal injuries when a car bomb exploded as his motorcade passed by on June 22.

The Ingush president said that as part of his work he had constructed scenarios that could lead to a new war in Russia’s North Caucasus and had concluded it would not happen.

“There could be a third Chechen war, and a fourth. But there won’t be. It will be stable. It will be fine,” Yevkurov said.

However, he warned that there could be wars if “blood-thirsty” radicals come to power in the Caucasus.

August 17, 2009
At least 20 dead, 138 wounded in south Russia bomb attack

ROSTOV-ON-DON/MOSCOW, August 17 (RIA Novosti) – Emergencies officials said on Monday that at least 20 people were killed and 138, including 10 children, injured in an attack by a suicide bomber in southern Russia’s Ingushetia.

Earlier on Monday, a suicide bomber rammed an explosives-laden minivan into the gates of the police headquarters in the republic’s largest city Nazran. The blast damaged the police building and nearby blocks of flats.

Local emergencies officials working at the scene fear that the death toll could rise further as at least 20 people are believed to be trapped under the rubble of the police building.

“The precise number of people who might be under the rubble is not known. We believe there could be some 20 people there. Search efforts are continuing,” an emergencies ministry official said on the telephone.

He said the search had only just begun as the building was engulfed in fire immediately after the explosion.

The official said 16 victims are in critical condition and are being transported to Moscow.

The explosion left a crater about 4 meters wide and 2 meters deep. The blast triggered more explosions as ammunition detonated in the police headquarters.

The blast shattered windows and smashed balconies in residential buildings within a radius of 500 meters. Some 30 cars parked nearby were destroyed, Russian media reported.

Ingush authorities have announced three-days’ of mourning in the republic and pledged to pay 100,000-ruble ($3,000) and 50,000-ruble ($1,500) in compensation to the families of those killed and injured, respectively, media reports said.

Russia’s Emergency Situations Ministry has dispatched a plane to Ingushetia carrying medical specialists and aid for the victims.

Russia’s mainly Muslim North Caucasus regions have seen a rise in violence in recent months. Attacks on police, officials and troops have been reported almost daily in Ingushetia and neighboring Dagestan that border Chechnya, which saw two separatist wars in the late 1990s-early 2000s. However, today’s attack is the worst for many years in Ingushetia.

Ingushetia’s construction minister was gunned down in his office last Wednesday. The murder followed the killing of a Supreme Court judge and the attempted assassination of the republic’s president, Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, in late June. Last month the Ingush forensic chief was also gunned down.

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev has called the increased terrorist activity in the Caucasus “an attempt to destabilize the situation in the region.”

August 17, 2009
Lessons learned and challenges to implementing indigenous people’s right to education.

Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
Council of Human Rights

2nd Session / 10th – 14th August 2009
Switzerland – Geneva

Agenda Item 3: Lessons learned and challenges to implementing indigenous people’s right to education.

Date: 04 August, 2009
No: Sta.19-H0409

Title: Obstacles preventing the use of mother tongue in Iraqi Turkmen education

Iraq is well-known for its multiethnic multi-religious population; Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, Chaldea-Assyrians, Yazidis, Shabaks and Mandaeans comprise the rich cultural mosaic that is the Iraqi population.

The Turkmen represent the third largest ethnic group in Iraq after the Arabs and Kurds. Unfortunately, they are constantly marginalized and their population size has always been underrepresented for economical and political reasons.

Iraqi Turkmen live mainly in a region that stretches over a thousand kilometers from Telafer in the Northwest to Badra and al-Aziziyya in the al-Kut province in mid eastern Iraq. They populate the following provinces: Kerkuk, Mosul, Erbil, Salah al-Ddin, Diyala, Kut and Baghdad.

Although the federal constitution of Iraq guarantees the rights of all Iraqis to educate their children in their mother tongue in accordance with educational guidelines, or in any other language in private educational institutions, [1] these obligations have yet to see full implementation.

The Government of Iraq does not fully guarantee its obligations to recognize and guarantee rights under the international treaties that it has signed reflecting those principles (the right to accessible education, the need for cultural adaptation of education, and the right of indigenous peoples to establish and control their educational systems).

The Turkmen of Iraq have been denied education taught in their native language, since the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921. In Erbil city, education in Turkmen was financed by the Iraqi Turkmen Front (ITF) until 2005, when all possessions of the Turkmen political institutions were confiscated by Kurdish authorities. In other provinces Turkmen schools are founded by the local governmental education offices and the Iraqi Turkmen Front. These schools are still predominantly financed by the Iraqi Turkmen Front, a non-profit political organization. The total number of Turkmen schools exceeds 500 and is operative in most of Turkmen regions.

The political instability and state of insecurity after the 2003 occupation has exposed the indigenous peoples to brutal human rights violations; intimidations, marginalization and distortion of demography of their regions. [2-4] The right to provide education in the Turkmen native language meets many obstacles, as the revised Iraqi constitution promotes protection of such rights but vaguely formulate the terminology, which constitutes an important impediment. After occupation, the general political atmosphere adopted a new religious and ethnic strategy which inevitably influenced the constitution writing committee. Kurdish attempts to emphasize their ethnic role within Iraq can be considered the dominant factor that contributed to discrimination outlined in article 4 of the constitution. Article 4 differentiates Arabs and Kurds from other indigenous Iraqis. [1]

Article 4, first, The Arabic language and the Kurdish language are the two official languages of Iraq. The right of Iraqis to educate their children in their mother tongue, such as Turkmen, Syriac, and Armenian shall be guaranteed in government educational institutions in accordance with educational guidelines, or in any other language in private educational institutions.

Article 4, Item 4 ambiguously refers to a notion which further complicates the use of mother tongue by the Indigenous peoples. It demands a population density to establish a language official in a region. This necessitates another authority to approve if a community has a population density in a region. In present nationalist atmosphere of the Iraq politics, making a decision in favor of the vulnerable Indigenous communities is not easy. Worth noting that the Iraqi Parliament endorsed Iraq’s obligation to the League of Nations in 1932 that Turkmen, in addition to other languages would be officially recognized in several Turkmen regions, such as Kerkuk, Kifri and Erbil. [5]

Article 4, fourth: The Turkmen language and the Syriac language are two other official languages in the administrative units in which they constitute density of population.

The Kurdish authorities claim vast Turkmen regions, where they dominate the administration in most of these regions. Relaying on ambiguous terminology in the constitution, the Kurdish authorities prevent the Turkmen language to be officially recognized. This hampers use of mother tongue in education. In the case of Kerkuk, despite the fact that this province is well known for its Turkmen nature, [6 & 7] the decision making Kurdish authorities refused to use Turkmen as an official language.[8] It took four years until the federal court approved Turkmen as an official language in Kerkuk, but still the application of the law is limited.

Turkmen schools and the critical difficulties

It was a huge mission to start education in Turkmen (Turkish) native language for such a large community. Millions of Turkmen spread hundreds of kilometers wide, require expert staff and governmental offices, professional teaching, and a plethora of resources most of which are denied due to administrative and financial restraints.

The two main factors deteriorate Turkmen education come from political conflicts and the Iraqi Ministry of Education’s refusal to make funds available. Large numbers of schools in Turkmen regions are still not able to use their mother tongue or it offer only one lesson in Turkmen language. The number of schools that provide all lessons in Turkmen is extremely small.

The difficulties of Turkmen education can be divided into three categories:

1. Schools in Kurdish Region

Erbil city and Kifri district are two historical Turkmen regions under the authority of Kurdish administration. Although Turkmen constituted more than half of the population in both these regions in the first half of 20th century, after continuous Kurdish migration, the percentage of Turkmen has now decreased to 1/3 of the Erbil population and 20% of Kifri city.

Turkmen schools in the Kurdish region were established in the mid 1990s by the Iraqi Turkmen Front. There are 15 Turkmen schools in Erbil city, 2 Kindergarten, 9 primary schools, 2 intermediate and 2 secondary. In Kifri there is one primary and one secondary school. All lessons are taught in Turkmen in these Kifri schools.

In 2005, the Kurdish authorities seized all of these schools along with 12 other factions of the Iraqi Turkmen Front, including a print house, a newspaper and local television and radio stations. The print house was closed since that time which increased the shortage of books in Turkmen schools.

The major difficulties facing these schools:

• These schools are administered by non-expert Kurdish staff who are not qualified in Turkmen language and/or Turkmen culture
• The school curricular is devised by Kurdish specialists
• Kurdish language is imposed on students from the first year of primary school
• Mainly, Kurdish history is studied
• The Syllabus is monitored by Kurdish supervisors
• Kurdish directors are appointed to these schools
• The content of the curricular, the explanatory drawings, and the activities are all reflect the Kurdish heritage and culture instead of Turkmen.

The Turkmen education have been deliberately neglected by Kurdish authorities, consequently, registration of new students is currently significantly decreased and about to be terminated.

2. Schools under central government

This region includes immense Turkmen districts in Mosul, Kerkuk, Salah al-Din, Diyala and Kut provinces. The schools in these regions are divided between two types:-

A. Schools which lecture in Turkmen language, and
B. Schools which lecture in Arabic, and provide one lesson in Turkmen language and literature.

The latter type of school exists in Kerkuk province, Erbil and Kifri city.

The major difficulties within these schools are that a large percentage of teachers and all school materials are not paid by the Iraqi ministry of education.

3. Shared difficulties by schools under both authorities:

• Absence of Turkmen education directorate in the Iraqi ministry for education and in the Education directorates of provinces, except Kerkuk province.
• The absence of cultural institutions. Consequently, there are no official authorities which publish books related to Turkmen.
• Insufficiency of teaching staff and facilities
• Shortage of experts and supervisors of Turkmen language and literature
• Many schools are old and needs renovation.
• Shortage of materials and resources: including books, science equipment, computer and internet facilities, photocopying facilities, temperature regulating systems
o For example, there are 148 schools in Telafer districts which study only Turkmen language and literature. The ministry of education doesn’t pay for 28 teachers. The shortage in the number of teachers is 35. In 2008, the students had received only 4000 school books from 35.000.

Turkmen education still could not be introduced into the large Turkmen communities in Diyala and Kut provinces, location of important and large Turkmen districts. These regions have been exposed to Arabic and Kurdish immigration for a long time. Aggressive assimilation policies have been practiced against Turkmen in these regions.

Demands:

The Declaration requires that “States, in consultation and cooperation with indigenous peoples, shall take the appropriate measures, including legislative measures, to achieve the outcome of this Declaration” (art. 38). This general mandate is further elaborated on in other provisions, with specific affirmative measures required from States in connection with almost all the rights affirmed in the Declaration.

1. The directorate of Turkmen education, without which Turkmen studies are impossible to organize, should be established in the Iraqi ministry for education and in the province’s directorate for education.

2. The Kurdish authorities should abandon their assimilation policies against Turkmen and return the Iraqi Turkmen Front buildings which were confiscated in 2005; particularly, the schools, Turkmeneli newspaper, and print house should be retuned to the Iraqi Turkmen Front.

3. The Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples created pursuant to UN Human Rights Council Resolution 6/36 of December 14, 2007, has the mandate to “provide the Human Rights Council with thematic expertise on the rights of indigenous peoples […]”. In September 2008, the Expert Mechanism was given the more specific mandate of preparing a study on the lessons learned and challenges to achieve the implementation of the right of indigenous peoples to education. To that end, the Expert Mechanism was to request submissions from indigenous peoples’ organizations and civil society organizations (Human Rights Council Resolution 9/7). As part of this process the Iraqi Turkmen Human Rights Research Foundation (SOITM) presents this submission.

———————
1 Article 4 of the Iraqi federal constitution
2 Press Release of SOITM Foundation, “To the international community: The Iraqi people are in severe need of your help”, 13 July 2008, http://turkmen.nl./1A_soitm/PR.20-G1308a.doc
3 SOITM Foundation, “Kurdish authorities and Iraqi Indigenous populations: the suppression of Iraqi Yazidis”, 27 October 2008, http://turkmen.nl./1A_soitm/Rep.29-J2708.doc
4 SOITM Foundation, “Summary Violation of the human rights of the Iraqi Turkmen since the Establishment of the Iraqi State”, January 27, 2007, http://www.turkmen.nl/1A_soitm/Rep.9-A2707.doc
5 Arshad al-Hirmizi, “The Turkmen Reality in Iraq”, Publication of Kerkuk Foundation 2005, P. 16 http://www.turkmen.nl/1A_Others/EH2_english.pdf
6 David McDowall, “A Modern History of the Kurds”, (I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd Publishers, London & New York 1996), Page 329) and
7 Hanna Batatu, “The old social classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq”, (Princeton University Press, New Jersey 1978), p. 913
8 Iraqi Federal Court, Decision number 15/federal/2008 which was made on demand of Kerkuk province council, at 21/4/2008,

August 17, 2009
Urgent need to address Human Rights Abuses of Indigenous populations in Northern Iraq

Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
Council of Human Rights

2nd Session
10th – 14th August 2009
Switzerland – Geneva

Agenda Item 4a: Implementation of the Declaration at the regional and national levels;

Date: 4 August, 2009
No: Sta.18-H0409
Title: Urgent need to address Human Rights Abuses of Indigenous populations in Northern Iraq

Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Iraq is currently facing a challenging chapter in its history. Establishing and enforcing rule of law, maintaining security and stability and ensuring the fundamental rights of its people, particularly the Indigenous peoples are protected are not easy tasks to achieve. Despite the relative stability established in northern Iraq, there remains a bleak human rights situation in the region that requires the urgent attention of the UN Human Rights Council.

Sectarian conflict, extreme nationalism and a lacking democratic norms have hampered the reconciliation process in Iraq, particularly in northern Iraq. A state of insecurity after occupation has lead to a significant deterioration of human rights conditions of the indigenous populations of Iraqi.

Northern Iraq is a country with a mosaic of multi-ethnic and multi-religious communities. It consists of Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, Chaldea-Assyrians, Yazidis and Shabaks. The non-Kurdish communities make up the majority of the population. Following the invasion of Iraq, the region was ruled by occupation forces and Kurdish Peshmerga militias. The subsequent administration established in northern Iraq has been disproportionally dominated by Kurdish authorities . Non-Kurdish groups are consistently alienated from political dialogue, with demographic and electoral manipulation having resulted in increased Kurdish domination of the region .

The mass in-migration of Kurdish families to regions, which have been historically populated by Iraqi indigenous populations, resulted in the increased marginalization of non-Kurdish populations, including the Turkmen, as well as significant demographic changes in the region. The peoples have since been subjected to assimilation policies, targeted violence and harassment.

Reports continue to indicate that non-Kurdish communities, their politicians and activists are being suppressed, intimidated, arrested, abused and in some cases executed . Some examples include:

Relating to those of Arab ethnicity, Dr. Sabri Aba Al-Jabbar, from Kerkuk, spoke out against Article 140 and was subsequently kidnapped and killed in late October 2007.4

Relating to the Turkmen, on 27 May 2009, Mr. Saleh Ibrahim was kidnapped by the security agents (Asayish) of KUP. He was exposed to severe torture before he was rescued. On 29 May 2009, Mr. Istabraq Yazaroglu’s home in Taze Khurmatu was subjected to gun shots. Yazaroglu is deputy of the chief of Turkmen Student Union. He played important role in defending Mr. S. Ibrahim. On 1 June 2009, a Turkmen shop was shot by Kurdish police Colonel Abdullah Kadir and his guards. Four were severely injured, the condition of two of them was critical. On 14 May 2009, two Turkmen were shot in the city of Tuz Khurmatu. Mr. Alaa Sabir Mecid was killed and Mr. Abd al-Hadi Kalandar Shahbaz was injured.

Regarding the Chaldeo-Assyrian community, they are frequently exposed to attacks and intimidations in the areas where the Kurdish soldiers dominate.5

The Shabaks of Nineveh face oblivion as a people, targeted politically by Kurdish authorities with claims on their land.6 Mr. Kadhim Abbas, from Shabak minority, who was a fierce opponent of the recent demographic changes in Mosul, was killed at July 13th, 2008.7

Yazidi politicians who are disloyal to the Kurdish authorities are unable to visit their constituencies for fear of assassination. Many Yazidi politicians and activists have been arrested, persecuted and intimidated. Relatives of the Yazidi activists out of Iraq are arrested and intimidated.8

These brutal actions go un-investigated and un-challenged by Iraqi Government authorities, United Nation Office and International human rights organizations. As such we are asking the United Nations to increase their attention and action against human rights abuses in northern Iraq.

Mr. President, while we recognize the harsh challenge of monitoring human rights in current-day Iraq it should be said that it is vital to remain vigilant about human rights situations when peace and stability are at their worst. Therefore in view of the above stated information, we urge the UN Human Rights Council to:

 Increase its monitoring of the human rights situation in northern Iraq, including:
o increased communication and bilateral cooperation between the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and Iraq;
o establishment of UNAMI offices in Mosul city, Nineveh plain, Tuz Khurmatu, Khanaqin and Mendeli regions
 Call upon all relevant Special Procedures Mandate Holders to include the following concerns when reporting back to the UN Human Rights Council in relation to the situation in Iraq:
o Adequate representation of all ethnic and minority groups in regional administrations;
o Impartiality of all police and military bodies in northern Iraq;
o Adequate consideration for all concerns brought forward by relevant stakeholders, including all ethnic groups such as the Turkmen, Chaldea-Assyrians, Yazidis, Shabaks and Arabs.

August 17, 2009
Chinese police chief is promoted in East Turkistan

According to Şinhua agency, Dai Sujun, who is Chiese police chief, was promoted after the events that hundreds of Uyghurs were murdered. He did not safeguard Uyghurs from Chinese attacks, many video footages show Chinese police watched when Uyghurs were getting killed, and moreover he ordered Chinese police force to kill hundreds of innocent Uyghurs at a democratic demonstration.

Tolga Çakır

Zaman

August 15, 2009