Category: Ukraine

  • Crimean Tatar Leader Claims FSB Behind Murder Plan

    Crimean Tatar Leader Claims FSB Behind Murder Plan

    Mustafa Dzhemilev (center) said he knows from diplomatic sources about FSB plans to have him killed.
    October 29, 2009
    KYIV — Crimean Tatar leader Mustafa Dzhemilev says he believes Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) is behind a special operation to assassinate him, RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service reports.

    Two members of the Islamist group At-Takfir wal-Hidjra were arrested on October 26 during a special operation in several parts of the Ukrainian region.

    Leaders of the movement are alleged to have issued a fatwa to kill Dzhemilev and some of his associates for their criticism of radical Islam.

    Dzhemilev told RFE/RL that members of a radical Islamic movement who were recently arrested “could hardly” initiate such an assassination plan.

    Dzhemilev said the spiritual direction of the Crimean Muslims and radical Islamist organizations share a “mutual enmity.” He added that radical Islamists have nothing in common with Islam and should be called extremists.

    But Dzhemilev said he knows from diplomatic sources about FSB plans to have him killed. He said “some states who are not interested in allowing democratization in Ukraine” might be sponsoring the extremist Islamic organizations.

    Ukrainian Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko said the arrested members of the Islamist group are refusing to talk. He said they refuse to recognize Ukrainian laws and say they are subordinate only to their religion.

    Crimean police chief Gennady Moskal told RFE/RL that an estimated 100 members of extremist organizations are active in Crimea. He said security forces are searching for At-Takfir wal-Hidjra’s leader.

    Moskal added that some refugees from Uzbekistan join up with Ukrainian extremist organizations.

    He said he does not believe there is “a Russian trace” in any assassination plan for Dzhemilev.

    Dzhemilev, who is the chairman of the Crimean Tatar Assembly and spent many years in the gulag as a Soviet dissident, had previously called on the Ukrainian government to allow the 33 Crimean Tatar parliament members to carry arms due to threats from Islamic extremists.

    https://www.rferl.org/a/Crimean_Tatar_Leader_Claims_FSB_Behind_Murder_Plan/1864556.html
  • JOINING BATTLE FOR CRIMEA

    JOINING BATTLE FOR CRIMEA

    RUSSIA IS LOSING THE BATTLE OVER THE CRIMEA TO WASHINGTON AND BRUSSELS
    Author: Tatiana Ivzhenko
    [The European Union vies for clout with the Crimea.]

    Nezavisimaya Gazeta
    October 20, 2009

    The European Union joins the Russian-American backstage battle for
    the Crimea. Web site of the Ukrainian government posted a brief
    note to the effect that implementation of the EU’s Joint
    Initiative of the Commonwealth in the Crimea was going to begin
    right after election of the president. The program in question
    included investment projects in all economic and social spheres.
         Sources in the government claim that European countries’ plan
    of actions on the peninsula was already charted and that its
    endorsement was scheduled for spring 2010. Each EU participant
    will be put in charge of some particular sphere like economic
    development (Great Britain), environmental protection (Sweden),
    and civil society (the Netherlands). Finland, Germany, Hungary,
    Poland, Lithuania and, perhaps, Estonia are prepared to join the
    program too. Kiev counts on up to 12 million euros worth of
    investments in the Crimea in 2010 alone. Gunnar Wiegand who
    represents the European Commission in the project recently met
    with the government of Ukraine. He informed the Ukrainians that
    the European Union regarded the Crimea as an extremely important
    region, “one with a powerful potential for all of Europe”.
         As far as Senior Deputy Premier Alexander Turchinov was
    concerned, the new Crimean project meant rapid rapprochement with
    Europe and a wholly new level of relations with it.
         “The project is of paramount importance for the government of
    Ukraine and for Yulia Timoshenko… particularly at the onset of
    the presidential campaign,” Konstantin Bondarenko of the Gorshenin
    Institute of Management Issues confirmed. “It offers them an
    opportunity to show that the Crimea is part of Ukraine and, also
    importantly, that Ukraine is a country to invest in.” Bondarenko
    recalled that President Leonid Kuchma had approached the Russians
    with analogous ideas in 2002 – 2003 [with the idea of joint
    investments in development of the peninsula]. “Unfortunately, I
    cannot call the Russians particularly enthusiastic or energetic,”
    he said. “At the very least, I do not think much of the economic
    results of the Russians’ activeness. The impression is that they
    erroneously made an emphasis on politics but people cannot be
    expected to last long on slogans alone.”
         Vladimir Kazarin of the Sevastopol administration seconded
    this opinion. “It is clear now that Russia is losing the battle
    for influence with the Crimea. It was Russia and the United States
    vying for clout with the peninsula once, but no longer. The
    European Union is joining them too, these days, and Brussels makes
    an emphasis on investments rather than on politics.”
         Kazarin pointed out that the new player moved in just as
    Russia was losing ground. “We witness these days what would have
    been considered impossible barely a year ago,” he said. “We see
    pickets with anti-Russian slogans and posters in front of the
    Black Sea Fleet HQ. What counts is that these protest actions are
    organized by Black Sea Fleet’s ex-employees. I can only surmise
    that the Russian authorities are not informed, that they do not
    grasp long-term political consequences of the current underfunding
    of the Black Sea Fleet… when 8,000 employees including 1,000
    officers are to be laid off, when wage arrears mount along with
    debts to Sevastopol’s department of public works and to the
    pensions foundation. The situation is challenging indeed. Anyone
    capable of solving economic problems of Sevastopol and, broader,
    all of the Crimea will earn the locals’ gratitude,” Kazarin said.
         Neither did the United States withdraw from the battle for
    the peninsula. Establishment of a diplomatic mission or
    information bureau in Sevastopol was suggested this spring but
    protests from the population and the local authorities persuaded
    Washington to table the idea then. It is on the agenda again,
    these days. It is the US Consulate General that the Americans want
    to set up in the Crimea now. “The way I see it, problems were
    encountered because the Crimean authorities had deliberately gone
    too far in their efforts to make the whole matter political,”
    Vladimir Nalivaichenko of the Ukrainian Security Service said.
    “What can be so political about an American mission? We all see
    how the Russian Consulate General operates in the Crimea.
    Diplomats were the first to arrive, followed by Russian
    businesses, capitals, and so on.”
         Valery Chaly of the Razumkov Center did not think that the
    Americans could really count on unproblematic existence in the
    Crimea. The population was thoroughly suspicions of all and any
    Washington’s initiatives concerning the peninsula, he said. Not so
    the EU’s initiatives which the locals never associated with
    politics.
         Political scientists meanwhile comment that Russia does not
    even try to counter these Western moves. Crimean pro-Russian
    organizations complain of the lack of support. The Russian
    Community of the Crimea, Russian Bloc, Russian Crimea, Tavria
    Alliance, Faith, Crimean Civil Activists, and Crimean Russian
    Youth Center set up a coordinating council. This body will chart a
    common strategy and coordinate joint efforts aimed at “promotion
    of the Russians’ legitimate rights and interests.”
         One of the activists explained that interests of the Russians
    were vulnerable and needed promotion because “the Ukrainian
    authorities and their Western patrons are determined to drive the
    Black Sea Fleet out of the Crimea while everyone is distracted by
    the crisis.” The activist commented that the news of the EU’s
    initiatives was released in the midst of fresh scandals involving
    the Black Sea Fleet. Ukrainian media outlets reported movement of
    the fleet’s units and forces – allegedly to training grounds – the
    Ukrainian authorities had never been notified of in advance. Local
    nationalists appealed to the authorities to confiscate military
    hardware of the Black Sea Fleet for violation of the terms of
    presence specified by Ukrainian-Russian agreements.
         Ukrainian experts point out that Moscow deliberately refuses
    to acknowledge the latest scandals involving the fleet and the
    Ukrainian organizations that volunteer to promote interests of
    Russia. Political scientists agree that political actions are
    pointless when there is an economic crisis to grapple with.
    Economic projects, ones that offer jobs, salaries, and security
    are the only thing capable of swaying public opinion. Economic
    projects are precisely what the European Union might beat the
    United States and Russia with.

  • Nabucco: A challenge for the EU and a partially fulfilled promise for Turkey

    Nabucco: A challenge for the EU and a partially fulfilled promise for Turkey

    • Ferruh Demirmen

    September, 2009

    When the Nabucco Intergovernmental Agreement (IGA) was signed in Ankara on July 13, much euphoria was created in the media, especially in Turkey. It was reported that Turkey and the European Union, in a cooperative deal on energy, had jointly scored a big victory. While a claim of victory may well be justified for the EU, the verdict for Turkey is less flattering.
    What is in Nabucco?
    Nabucco is a gas pipeline project designed primarily to ship Caspian and Middle East natural gas to Europe across Turkey, reducing Europe’s dependence on Russian gas. It will serve as the fourth artery bringing gas into the European Union. It will also enable the EU to avoid or minimize transit-country risk of the type it experienced with Ukraine.
    Officially started in 2002, the pipeline is estimated to cost 7.9 billion Euros to build and have a maximum capacity of 31 billion m3/year. The pipeline will run from the eastern and southeastern border of Turkey and terminate at Baumgarten, a natural gas hub in Austria. The total pipeline length is 3,300 km-2,000 km of which will be in the Turkish territory. Construction is foreseen to start in 2011, with first gas flow in 2014. The project duration is 25 years.
    The project is being developed by a consortium (Nabucco International Company, or NIC) formed by six companies each from Turkey, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, Austria and Germany. The consortium is seated in Vienna. All six partners have an equal 1/6 share in the enterprise. BOTAŞ, the partner on Turkey’s side, will carry 1.3 billion Euros of the total construction cost. Five Nabucco National Companies, owned by the NIC, will handle construction and operation of the pipeline in transit countries.
    Thirty percent of financing will be met from NIC’s internal (equity) resources and the remaining 70% from the credit market.
    Potential suppliers of gas include Azerbaijan, Iraq, Iran, Turkmenistan, Egypt, Kazakhstan and Russia. But none of these countries has yet committed to supply gas for the project.
    The NIC will generate income by trading gas transport capacity through a tender process. It is estimated that 64% of the transport capacity would be marketed in Turkey. Fifty percent of the the rest to the partners and third parties.
    The intergovernmental agreement (IGA) signed in Ankara on July 13 commits the signatory governments to give full political support for the implementation of the project. The IGA is valid for 50 years.

    The hassle ahead: Gas supply
    A major hassle for the Nabucco partners will be supply of gas. Among the potential suppliers of gas, Azerbaijan, through its Shah Deniz-2 gas, was initially the most likely candidate to supply the start-up gas (some 8 billion m3/year). But after the SOCOR-GAZPROM agreement signed at the end of June in Baku, Azerbaijani input cannot be counted on.
    Azerbaijan’s president Ilham Aliyev practically pulled the plug on the Shah Deniz-2 gas after Turkey entered into secret negotiations with Armenia on opening the Armenian-Turkish border. Aliyev, alarmed that the solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh problem could be side-stepped in the secret negotiations, showed his displeasure by signing a gas-supply contract with Russia. The agreement gives Russia’s GAZPROM priority in buying Shah Deniz-2 gas. The price is an attractive $350/1,000 m3.
    Aliyev did not bother to attend the IGA signing ceremony in Ankara.
    According to a post-discovery agreement (addendum to the PSA) signed by the Shah Deniz consortium members in 2001, Turkey is the preferred export market for Shah Deniz gas. If Shah Deniz-2 gas is shipped to Russia instead of Turkey, it will prompt calls for accountability in Turkey. Further, it will be a case of troubling irony if the same gas finds its way to the EU via South Stream.
    The supply problem with the other potential supplier countries should also not be discounted. Iran, otherwise a very logical choice, is out of the supply equation for the foreseeable future because of political problems. Turkmen input first requires resolution of the Caspian maritime boundary dispute, and Russia is not expected to be cooperative in resolving this issue.
    Separate from the boundary issue, considering its gas sale agreements with Russia, China and Iran (a deal to increase Turkmen gas export to Iran to 14 billion m3/year was recently signed), Turkmenistan may not have sufficient developed gas resources to supply a significant volume of gas for Nabucco.
    Russia, eager to promote its rival South Stream project, is least interested to see Nabucco succeed. Russia may eventually supply gas to Nabucco, however, if South Stream, with its exorbitant price tag (19-24 billion Euros), fails, and the transit fee across Nabucco is favorable. After all, Russia will view favorably any route that bypasses Ukraine.
    Offsetting its cost disadvantage, South Stream would have no throughput problem.
    Kazakhstan, apart from the boundary dispute in the Caspian, is more inclined to sell its gas to Russia than to the West, and Egypt already has a running LNG system (3 LNG trains) to export its gas.
    Currently, unassociated gas in a number of fields in northern Iraq is the most likely source for initial gas for Nabucco. (Iraq’s proven gas reserves are mostly tied up in oil fields in the south). Still, given Iraq’s fragile peace, and its urgent need for gas for domestic consumption, it is unlikely that any Iraqi gas will be reaching Nabucco soon.
    Egyptian gas, via the Arab Gas Pipeline, is also a good bet, but the export volumes currently planned for this pipeline (2 billion m3/year by 2013) will have to be substantially increased to make a difference for Nabucco. That, too, will take time.
    Of late, Qatari gas has also been mentioned in the Turkish media as a potential source for Nabucco. But at the moment this is a mere fantasy. The logical choice for exporting Qatari gas to Turkey, as well as to Europe, is via LNG.
    The fact that no gas supply agreements have been concluded with producers will render financing of Nabucco problematic. Creditors will want to have some assurance to safeguard their investment. Even with the backing of the European Union and the United States, a pipeline with no assurance of throughput is sure to raise eyebrows in credit circles.
    Another issue that may dampen creditors’ interest in Nabucco is a recent study by Cambridge Energy Research Associates that suggests that gas consumption in the EU could drop by 16% by 2020 and 35% by 2030.
    The IGA does not oblige any of the participating countries to finance the Nabucco project or to accept financial liability in regard to the project, but some kind of host-country guarantee may eventually be needed. In any case, the 2011 construction start date and the 2014 first-gas target for the Nabucco project appear unrealistic.
    An unfulfilled promise for Turkey
    Notwithstanding the high-flying comments made by Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan at the signing ceremony of the IGA, Nabucco is somewhat of a disappointment for Turkey.
    A Nabucco-type project, enabling Turkey to be an east-west energy corridor, had long been a strategic vision for Turkey. The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline, bringing Azeri crude oil to Turkey’s Mediterranean coast, partially fulfilled this aspiration.
    Next, would be a similar pipeline for natural gas. Gas imported from the Caspian region and the Middle East would meet Turkey’s gas needs, enable Turkey to engage in local and regional gas trade, and funnel excess gas to Europe via an east-west pipeline. This would enhance Turkey’s strategic role in the region, promote a vibrant domestic gas sector in the trade and flow of gas, and bring attendant economic benefits.
    This was the long-held vision, written, re-written, and lectured about. Turkey was seen as the driver in the purchase, re-sale and transport of gas.
    The Nabucco project does not fully fulfill this promise. Although the project raises Turkey’s strategic importance as an energy corridor, it reduces Turkey’s role to that of a passive transit country. Turkey’s ability to control the flow of gas across its territory, to secure its gas supply, and engage in gas trade, while still possible and expected, will be considerably curtailed by the project.
    Nabucco is essentially an EU gas transport project, designed primarily to serve the EU’s interests by diversifying gas supply sources and routes. Meeting Turkey’s domestic gas needs and creating conditions favorable for local and regional gas trade will be incidental to the main goal. The enterprise will be managed from Vienna, with Turkey having a minor say in corporate decision making.
    Surely, by geographic necessity, the pipeline’s major section and operations (60%) will be in Turkey, but this does not translate to Turkey being in the driver’s seat. Most significant, the eventuality of Turkey being a regional energy hub vis-à-vis gas trade with Europe has been largely relinquished to Baumgarten. (Admittedly, Turkey’s existing gas storage capacity, being highly limited, is a disadvantage in this respect).
    Economically, gas trade is generally far more profitable than engaging in gas transport. It also gives greater leverage to the host country to deliver gas at competitive prices to its consumers.
    The issue of gas supply
    Before the signing of the IGA, there were widespread media reports that Turkey had initially demanded to reserve (at netback price) 15% of the pipeline’s throughput for its own needs, and that this demand had been rejected by the consortium. Considering the scope of the IGA, however – unless the original scope was different – this seems to have been pure speculation. For within the context of the IGA, such a request is meaningless.
    Although Turkey’s Energy Minister Taner Yıldız has stated in the press that each of the transit countries hosting the Nabucco pipeline has the right to take 50% of the throughput for its own need, and that this is “even better than the 15% provision,” there is no such provision in the IGA.
    Regarding gas supply security, a nebulous “reverse flow” clause was included in the IGA, evidently at the last minute to mollify Turkey. A “reverse flow” contingency does not yet exist even within the EU, and a proposal to this effect was introduced in July by the European Council. The member states will give their opinions by the end of September 2010. Whether the proposal will be accepted (many EU countries are reluctant to cede control of their energy supply), and how it will function, is unclear. Even if the proposal gets a green light, there will certainly be restrictions and extra cost.
    “Reverse flow” is an emergency provision Turkey should not rely on for its domestic gas needs.
    In fact, Nabucco is not a project about gas supply at all. The IGA contains no provision as to gas supply. It is solely about financing, construction and operation of a pipeline. Purchase and supply of gas from producer countries is left to others, i.e., third-party enterprises of Turkish or foreign origin.
    Stiff competition
    Turkish companies, i.e., BOTAŞ, but also private-sector players such as Koç Group, Sabancı Group, Zorlu Group, will no doubt want to conclude gas purchase agreements with the suppliers and engage in local and regional gas trade. But the extent to which they will compete in such efforts with EU-backed companies that will enter the race, is a question mark.
    Interestingly, in bidding for 50% of the transport capacity reserved for the partners in Turkey, BOTAŞ will also compete with the other partners. Until recently, BOTAŞ held virtual monopoly in Turkey in purchase, import and transport of gas.
    One EU-backed company, the Caspian Development Corporation, created by the European Commission, is actively pursuing Turkmen gas for the Nabucco project. Another, the German firm RWE, has recently secured an upstream project offshore Turkmenistan, evidently with an eye to prove up new gas reserves for Nabucco.
    Eventually, Turkish firms may find the competition less daunting if they team up with foreign firms.
    State coffers, and more
    According to the IGA, Turkey will not be able to impose transit fees or levy corporate income tax of its own as regards Nabucco. Instead, Turkey will receive “tax” revenues (similar to royalty) as determined by a separate agreement among the partners.
    It is estimated that Turkey’s “tax” entitlement, out of a total 7.8 billion Euros, would be 4.2 billion Euros. This is a nominal amount to be received over 25 years. Because most of the revenues would be generated in later years, and assuming 3% annual inflation for the Euro, in present value terms this would correspond to approximately 2 billion Euros.
    The tendering procedures the NIC will follow in capacity trade and its tariff methodology will be exempt from the regulatory jurisdiction of Turkey’s Energy Market Regulatory Authority (EMRA). (In both respects, the NIC has received exemption from the regulatory directives of the EU). Turkey will also help the NIC to acquire land rights in Turkey.
    These are concessions rarely, if at all, accorded to companies, native or foreign, in Turkey.
    Finally, considering Turkey’s Gas Market Law no. 4646, it is difficult to see how BOTAŞ would function as envisioned in the IGA. New legislation will be required to overcome the difficulty.
    The euphoria expressed in the media, and in circles close to the government in Turkey, after the signing of the Nabucco IGA is overblown. Nabucco is primarily a project to serve the EU’s interests. It will allow the EU to reduce its dependence on Russian gas through direct access to the hydrocarbon (gas) resources to the east and southeast of Turkey. The enterprise (NIC) running the project will be directed from Vienna and have a privileged status in Turkey.
    Although the project enhances Turkey’s strategic role in the region, in many respects it does not fulfill the promise such a project was originally conceived to deliver. In particular, Turkey will have a limited role in controlling the transport of gas in its territory, in securing its gas supply, and in engaging in gas trade. Considering its geographic location, Turkey had better alternatives.
    There is little doubt that Turkey’s AKP government, eager to endear itself with the EU, decided to endorse Nabucco in its present form to advance its political agenda. But in return for what?
    All the while the EU will continue keeping Turkey “safely” out of the Union for the foreseeable future. Even opening the energy chapter for Turkey’s accession negotiations is stalled indefinitely.
    Turkey’s energy strategists have a long way to go to master their trade. Political cronyism unfortunately does not always advance the cause of national interests.
    Ferruh Demirmen, Ph.D., is an independent oil and gas expert. He may be contacted at [email protected].

  • Ukraine-Russia Tensions Evident in Crimea

    Ukraine-Russia Tensions Evident in Crimea

    Kremlin Asserting Its Influence in Region
    By Philip P. Pan
    Washington Post Foreign Service
    October 6, 2009

    SEVASTOPOL, Ukraine — On maps, Crimea is Ukrainian territory, and this naval citadel on its southern coast is a Ukrainian city. But when court bailiffs tried to serve papers at a lighthouse here in August, they suddenly found themselves surrounded by armed troops from Russia’s Black Sea Fleet who delivered them to police as if they were trespassing teenagers.

    The humiliating episode underscored Russia’s continuing influence in the storied peninsula on the Black Sea nearly two decades after the fall of the Soviet Union — and the potential for trouble here ahead of Ukraine’s first presidential vote since the 2005 Orange Revolution.

    Huge crowds of protesters defied Moscow in that peaceful uprising and swept a pro-Western government into power. Now, the Kremlin is working to undo that defeat, ratcheting up pressure on this former Soviet republic to elect a leader more amenable to Russia’s interests in January.

    Russian President Dmitry Medvedev issued a letter in August demanding policy reversals from a new Ukrainian government, including an end to its bid to join NATO. He also introduced a bill authorizing the use of troops to protect Russian citizens and Russian speakers abroad, a measure that some interpreted as targeting Crimea.

    A group of prominent Ukrainians, including the country’s first president, responded with a letter urging President Obama to prevent a “possible military intervention” by Russia that would “bring back the division of Europe.” Ukraine gave up the nuclear arsenal it inherited from the Soviet Union in exchange for security guarantees from the United States and other world powers, they noted.

    If a crisis is ahead, it is likely to involve Crimea, a peninsula of rolling steppe and sandy beaches about the size of Maryland. The region was once part of Russia, and it is the only place in Ukraine where ethnic Russians are the majority. In the mid-1990s, it elected a secessionist leader who nearly sparked a civil war.

    Crimea is also home to Russia’s Black Sea Fleet, which is based in Sevastopol under a deal with Ukraine that expires in 2017. Russia wants to extend the lease, but Ukraine’s current government insists it must go.

    “It would be easy for Russia to inspire a crisis or conflict in Crimea if it continues to lose influence in Ukraine,” said Grigory Perepelitsa, director of the Foreign Policy Institute in the Ukrainian Diplomatic Academy. “That’s the message they’re sending to any future president.”

    Russia’s state-controlled media, widely available and popular in Crimea, have hammered the authorities in Kiev as irredeemably anti-Russian, and prominent Russian politicians have been calling for reunification with Crimea.

    But five years of policies in Kiev aimed at drawing Ukraine closer to Europe and the United States and at promoting Ukrainian language and history have also alienated the region. Ukraine’s president, Viktor Yushchenko, the hero of the Orange Revolution, won only 6 percent of the vote here.

    “He tried to force his ideology on us, and he failed,” said Valeriy Saratov, chairman of the Sevastopol city council. “We don’t feel we were conquered by Russia, but by Europe. We fought the Italians, the Germans, the French, the British. . . . We would never take sides against Russia.”

    Vladimir Struchkov, a pro-Russia activist and leader of a parents’ organization in Sevastopol, said residents are especially upset about a new regulation requiring students to take college entrance exams in Ukrainian, eliminating a Russian option.

    While Kiev is playing identity politics, he argued, Moscow has been investing in Sevastopol, building schools, apartments and pools, repairing monuments and even opening a branch of Moscow State University.

    The result has been a sharp shift in Crimean attitudes. In 2006, about 74 percent of Crimean residents regarded Ukraine as their motherland, but by last year, that figure had fallen to 40 percent, according to a survey by the Razumkov Center, a top research institute in Kiev.

    Crimea became part of the Russian empire in 1783 after a long period of rule by Crimean Tatars, an indigenous Turkic people. During World War II, Germany captured the peninsula. After the war, the Soviet Union’s Joseph Stalin accused the Tatars of Nazi collaboration and ordered their mass deportation. The Communists then sought to resettle the peninsula with politically reliable families, mostly Russians with ties to the military or the party apparatus.

    When the Soviet Union collapsed, these people suddenly found themselves living in Ukraine instead of Russia, because Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev had transferred Crimea to Ukraine in 1954 in a move that had little impact at the time.

    Today, about 60 percent of the region’s 2.3 million residents are Russian and 25 percent are Ukrainian. But the two ethnic groups are thoroughly intertwined. Opinion polls show majorities of both want the Black Sea Fleet to stay and support reunification with Russia, though there is similar support for greater autonomy for Crimea within Ukraine.

    Crimean Tatars, who were allowed to return in the 1980s, make up about 10 percent of the population and are largely opposed to a return to Russian rule.

    Refat Chubarov, a leader of the main Crimean Tatar political organization, said Russian media have vilified his people as criminals, playing on fears of Islam and their efforts to reclaim lost homes. But even among the Tatars, frustration with Kiev is rising.

    “We are the strongest supporters of Ukrainian sovereignty in Crimea,” Chubarov said. “But the disappointment is growing because the authorities have not done enough to provide land and other compensation to returning families.”

    Volodymyr Pritula, a veteran journalist and political analyst in Crimea, said the Kremlin has been trying to provoke ethnic conflict in the region, both to undermine the Ukrainian government and provide an excuse for intervention.

    Three years ago, Vladimir Putin, then Russia’s president, offered to help resolve tensions in Crimea after a clash between Russians and Tatars and suggested that the Russian fleet should stay to “guarantee stability,” Pritula noted.

    In recent months, he added, the Kremlin has stepped up its activities, with Russian nationalist groups staging protests on Ukrainian holidays and media outlets resuming the attacks on Tatars after a pause last year.

    Emotions have been running high since Russia’s war last year with another pro-Western neighbor, Georgia. The Black Sea Fleet participated in the conflict, and Ukrainian officials infuriated Russia by suggesting its ships might not be allowed to return to Sevastopol.

    Tensions flared again this summer when Ukrainian police stopped Russian trucks three times for transporting missiles in Sevastopol without advance notice. Then came the episode with the bailiffs at Kherson Lighthouse, one of dozens of navigational markers along the Crimean coast that both Ukraine and the Russian fleet claim to own.

    Judges have tried to order the fleet to hand over various facilities before, with the Russians routinely refusing and bailiffs departing without incident. But this time, the fleet accused Ukraine of “penetrating the territory of a Russian military unit” and warned of “possible tragic consequences to such actions.”

    Vladimir Kazarin, the city’s deputy mayor, said the bailiffs stepped past a gate because no sentries were posted but quickly found the commanding officer, who asked them to wait while he sought instructions. Five minutes later, he returned with the soldiers who detained the bailiffs.

    “Relations with the fleet have generally been good,” Kazarin said. “But this just shows that people in Moscow are trying to find any excuse for conflict.”

  • UN GA (2009) statements by Turkey, Russia, Georgia, Kazakhstan,  Turkmenistan, Iran

    UN GA (2009) statements by Turkey, Russia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Iran

    General Debate of the 64th Session (2009)

    Turkey
    H.E. Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Prime Minister

    24 September 2009

    Statement summaryTAYYIP Erdoğan, Prime Minister of Turkey, said that in order to overcome the world’s multiple problems, a trust-oriented, diverse, fair and inclusive global order was necessary.  “The global problems of our age necessitate global scale solutions.”  He called for new leadership so countries could stop perceiving the world as a threat, to seeing it as a place of trust and solidarity.  Everybody, regardless of their creed and colour, was responsible for constructing a world of peace, trust, justice, tranquillity and prosperity.

    He said that terrorism, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, hunger, poverty, growing pandemics, food and energy concerns, and rising xenophobia continued to pose grave challenges.  In addition, global warming and the financial crisis required robust solutions.  To ensure a more participatory global order, all countries must work together to make the United Nations more efficient, democratic and transparent.  That would, in turn, allow the Organizations to make a greater contribution towards global peace and stability.

    The United Nations had to become more effective in tackling the world’s pressing challenges, including human rights and gender equality.  In that regard, he said, Turkey endorsed reforming the Organization, which would be incomplete unless the Security Council was restructured and enlarged to include more non-permanent members.  The United Nations peacekeeping system had to be improved, bearing in mind, among other things, capacity-building and regional coordination, he added.

    Turkey continued to be a force for peace and stability in its restive region.  He said that over the past seven years, Turkey had made efforts to resolve its differences with neighbouring countries and to improve bilateral relations.  It had also aimed to move from a relationship of “passive-good neighbourliness to one of active friendship and cooperation”.  Talks with Greece were an example of such actions.

    Having initiated the “neighbouring countries process”, his country was still committed to political dialogue and creating national unity in Iraq.  In that regard, Turkey was committed to maintaining the Strategic Dialogue Mechanism with Iraq in the fight against terrorism and to ensure bilateral relations.  Turning to Palestine, he said Turkey was very sensitive to this issue and had always stood by the Palestinian people.  Resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict towards two peaceful coexisting States was invaluable to global peace.  Treating everyone fairly and equally would allow for regional and global stability.

    Turning to the fight against terrorism and ensuring stability and prosperity in Pakistan and Afghanistan, he expressed his country’s support in this regard. Turkey had convened a ministerial meeting on a democratic Pakistan in August.  On Cyprus, he supported a comprehensive solution to the question of the island, citing the United Nations as the foundation upon which a solution could be built and the world body’s Secretary-General as a bridge between the two sides’ differences.

    A mutual solution would have to be reached by early 2010, he said, emphasizing that if Greek-Cypriot intransigence obstructed such a conclusion, “the normalization of the status of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus will become a necessity which can no longer be delayed.”  A fair and lasting solution in Cyprus would help transform the Mediterranean zone into a peaceful, cooperative and stable place.  He added that the Turkish-Cypriot side was still subjected to unfair levels of isolation.  Lifting that unfair practice would speed up the peace process.

    Regarding cultural diversity, he cautioned against seeing different cultures as “other”, stressing that they had to be seen as individual elements of humankind.  The Alliance of Civilizations, a United Nations initiative that was co-sponsored by his country, would shape a global civilization based on universal values in democracy, human rights, youth and media.

    Source: GA/10862

    PERMANENT MISSION OF TURKEY TO THE UNITED NATIONS
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    ADDRESS
    BY
    H.E. MR. RECEP TAYYJP ERDOGAN
    PRIME MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY
    TO THE
    GENERAL DEBATE OF THE 64th SESSION OF THE
    UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY
    NEW YORK, 24 SEPTEMBER 2009
    www.un.int/turkey
    821 UN Plaza, I01h Floor, New York, NY 10017 Tel. 212949.0150 Fax 212949,0086
    Mr. President,
    Mr. Secretary General,
    Excellencies,
    Distinguished Delegates,
    Ladies and Gentlemen,
    It is a great pleasure for me to address you once again on the occasion of the General Debate of the
    64th session of the General Assembly.
    At the outset, I would like to congratulate Mr. Abdusselam Treki on his election as President of the
    64th General Assembly.
    I wish to express my appreciation and thanks to Mr. Brockman as well, for his able and prudent
    conduct of the Presidency of the 63r session of the General Assembly.
    Taking this opportunity, I also thank all the member states for the high degree of trust and approval
    placed in my country, which was elected as a non-permanent member of the Security Council by a
    wide margin of support last year.
    Mr. President,
    The global problems of our age necessitate global scale solutions.
    From wars to economic crises, from hunger and poverty to terrorism, from energy security to climate
    change, the problems our world faces today are extremely challenging. However, none of them is
    insurmountable.
    For the resolution of these problems, we need a fair and inclusive global order which is based on trust
    and which regards diversity as a source of richness.
    It is possible to make the transition from a conception of the world based on risk and threat
    perceptions to one based on trust and solidarity. This has become a necessity for all of us. But to be
    able to do that we need a new kind of leadership.
    We can indeed make the 21st century an era which is ruled by peace instead of wars; trust instead of
    fear; justice instead of injustice; tranquility instead of terror and violence; and prosperity instead of
    hunger and poverty. It is our common responsibility and historic duty to participate in the
    construction of such a world, regardless of our language, religion and nationality differences.
    Threats like terrorism and the proliferation of nuclear weapons have become sources of concern on a
    global scale.
    Problems such as hunger and poverty, the increase in the frequency of pandemics, worries about food
    and energy security, and growing xenophobia and radicalism remain grave challenges.
    Global warming and the financial crisis are fundamental questions that require substantial solutions.
    Against such a backdrop, the relevance and indispensability of the United Nations have become even
    more evident.
    In order to establish a fair and participatory global order, we must work together to enhance the
    efficiency of the United Nations.
    We certainly do not despair. We maintain our hope that the achievement of global peace and stability
    is within our grasp. We therefore wish to see the United Nations serve as the voice and spokesman of
    the global public conscience.
    We believe that a more representative, democratic, transparent, just and effective United Nations will
    be able to make a greater contribution to global peace and stability.
    The United Nations must become a much more effective institution on matters such as climate
    change, sustainable development, the struggle against poverty, gender equality and the protection of
    human rights and dignity. We fully support the reform efforts in this direction.
    However, it is without a doubt that the reform of the UN system will be incomplete if not
    accompanied by the Security Council reform.
    I would like to underscore once again that Turkey is in favor of the enlargement of the Security
    Council in the non-permanent category.
    Another important aspect of the UN reforms that I wish to underline is the need to improve the UN
    peace keeping system.
    In this context, we want the views and expectations of particularly the UN troop contributing
    countries on issues like early and effective coordination, capacity building and enhanced cooperation
    with regional organizations to be taken into full account.
    Mr. President,
    Turkey continues to be a force for peace and stability in the volatile region in which it is located.
    Especially in the course of the past 7 years, we have exerted every effort to settle all our differences
    with our neighbors. Thanks to this approach which we call “zero problem with neighbors” Turkey has
    made significant progress in resolving outstanding issues with its neighbors and greatly improved its
    bilateral relations.
    The problems in our region have global implications. Therefore, our constructive and peaceful
    regional policies serve not only our own neighborhood but also global peace.
    However, even that we don’t consider sufficient. We aim to move from a relationship of passive goodneighborliness
    to one of active friendship and cooperation. The positive impact of this approach on
    regional and world peace is well appreciated by all our friends.
    A concrete example of this situation is-our ongoing dialogue with Greece. Another case in point is our
    quest to normalize our relations with Armenia, which has gained fresh momentum lately, and begun
    to bear fruit.
    It is high time that lasting solutions based on the territorial integrity of regional countries are found to
    the other disputes in the Caucasus as well.
    In this regard, we hope that our regional partners will share Turkey’s vision for region-wide peace,
    security and stability.
    We believe that the Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform, which we launched in the aftermath
    of the crisis in August 2008, can make a substantial contribution to the efforts in that direction.
    Another issue of close interest to us and the world is Iraq’s territorial integrity, political unity and
    internal peace.
    We attach great importance to the continuation of the political dialogue process encompassing all the
    groups in Iraq and the establishment of national unity. A clear manifestation of this is the Neighboring
    Countries Process regarding Iraq which was initiated by Turkey.
    In this connection, I also wish to emphasize the significance of the Strategic Dialogue Mechanism set
    up between Turkey and Iraq, which is important both in terms of the fight against terrorism, as well as
    all other aspects of bilateral relations. We are fully committed to maintaining and further developing
    this process.
    The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is another regional issue to which Turkey is sensitive.
    In our view, the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict based on the vision of two states that will
    exist side by side in peace and security is an indispensable element of regional and global peace.
    The achievement of Palestinian national unity will expedite the establishment of the independent
    Palestinian state.
    Turkey has always stood by the Palestinian people and will continue to do so.
    I wish to draw your attention to the following facts:
    The aggression against the Gaza carried out at the end of 2008 quickly turned into a human tragedy
    and resulted in the deaths of nearly 1400 people, most of whom are women and children. Over 5.000
    people were injured. The infrastructure of Gaza was completely destroyed.
    Even the UN buildings in Gaza have not escaped this destruction. Secretary-General Mr. Ban Ki-moon
    has personally witnessed the devastation and voiced his reaction.
    The 575-page UN report on Gaza which was released on 15 September 2009 clearly confirms this fact.
    It has been eight months since the declaration of the ceasefires that ended the hostilities in Gaza and
    the adoption of the Security Council resolution 1860.
    Similarly, six months have elapsed since the Sharm al Sheikh Conference where the international
    community pledged billions of dollars for the reconstruction of Gaza.
    However, I regret that the human tragedy in Gaza still goes on.
    The wounds of the people of Gaza have not been sealed. The promises made for Gaza have not been
    kept. As was the case at the time of the aggression, Gaza has been once again left to its own devices
    in the aftermath of the heavy destruction it suffered.
    Currently, even the importation of construction materials to Gaza is not permitted, and the suffering
    of the Gaza people continues.
    We demand that these obstacles are immediately lifted and normalcy restored to Gaza for the sake of
    peace and security of both Israel and the Palestinians.
    The Palestinian question cannot be resolved solely by satisfying the demands of one party. The
    security of the Palestinians is as important as the security of Israel. The Palestinian people’s quest for
    freedom and peace is as legitimate as Israel’s quest for stability.
    The settlement of the Palestinian question which is one of the greatest obstacles to regional and
    global peace will only be possible when everyone is treated fairly and equitably.
    Turkey has on every possible occasion stressed that it is not possible to turn a blind eye to the
    appalling conditions in Gaza, and we will continue to do so.
    It is our common humanitarian and moral responsibility to ensure that the tragedy unfolding in Gaza
    is brought to an end, and an atmosphere of lasting peace is created in the region.
    It is extremely important that the international community remain engaged in this matter and inject a
    new vigor to efforts to resolve the problem.
    We call on all parties concerned not to remain indifferent to this question and not to condone further
    sufferings.
    We believe that resumption of the Israeli-Palestinian talks that have been disrupted by the Gaza
    conflict is of utmost importance and hope that the Peace Process will be revitalized as quickly as
    possible.
    So far, we have made every possible effort to contribute to the Peace Process. The indirect
    negotiations between Syria and Israel, which we hosted in Turkey in 2008, are a case in point.
    Depending on the mutual desire of both parties, we are ready to resume our active role in this
    process.
    1
    We have always said that Syria is a very important country in our region and in a position to play a key
    role in the search for regional peace, security and stability. Similarly, Lebanon too is of critical
    importance for regional stability. Turkey expended intensive efforts to ensure that a comprehensive
    political compromise prevails in Lebanon. We will continue to support strongly Lebanon’s stability.
    We believe that the dispute over our neighbor Iran’s nuclear program, which has long preoccupied
    the international community, should be resolved through dialogue.
    Turkey defends the right of all countries to benefit from peaceful use of nuclear energy. On the other
    hand, we also call upon all countries to act responsibly, bearing in mind the serious consequences of
    the proliferation of nuclear weapons for the whole world. We supported the Security Council
    resolution 1874 on North Korea’s nuclear test last May, in this spirit.
    4
    We also follow closely the situation in Afghanistan and the developments in Pakistan. We support the
    struggle which the peoples of Afghanistan and Pakistan, with whom we enjoy historical and brotherly
    ties, have been waging against extremism. We sustain our infrastructure investments in order to help
    the two countries achieve the prosperity they deserve.
    The Friends of Democratic Pakistan’s Ministerial Meeting which we convened in Istanbul at the end of
    August is an indication of the importance we attach to Pakistan’s stability and prosperity.
    At’this point, I would like to declare that in addition to becoming the Lead Country on Afghanistan in
    the Security Council in 2010, we shall assume the Chairmanship of the Committee on Counter-
    Terrorism.
    Our strong support for efforts on achieving security and stability in Afghanistan and combating
    terrorism shall continue unabated during the course of our performance of these duties on the
    Council.
    Another region which we follow closely is the Balkans. We believe the integration of the regional
    countries with Euro-Atlantic institutions is important and that this perspective should be maintained.
    Mr. President,
    Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus support the efforts for finding a comprehensive
    solution on the Island.
    The basis upon which such a solution should be built is right here, under the roof of the United
    Nations.
    If all the parties to the present negotiations were to act constructively, it would be possible to reach a
    comprehensive solution by the end of 2009. As was the case in 2004, we believe that the UN
    Secretary-General should play a role in bridging the differences which the parties themselves cannot
    resolve.
    It should be our common objective to submit the solution to be reached to a referendum in the spring
    of 2010 at the latest.
    However, at this juncture, I would like to stress the following point as well: If a solution cannot be
    found due to Greek Cypriot intransigence, as was the case in 2004, the normalization of the status of
    the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus will’become a necessity which can no longer be delayed.
    It is therefore essential to realize that the negotiations cannot be sustained ad infinitum, that the
    present window of opportunity cannot remain open forever and that efforts must be deployed for the
    success of the process.
    I would like to take this opportunity to emphasize once again that a comprehensive solution to be
    achieved on the basis of established UN parameters, which will secure the founding of a new
    Partnership in Cyprus, will enjoy the open support of Turkey as a guarantor power.
    A fair and lasting solution in Cyprus will make a major contribution to the transformation of the
    Eastern Mediterranean into a zone of peace, stability and cooperation. I call upon everyone to do
    their utmost to help achieve this goal.
    5
    In the meantime, the Turkish Cypriot side is still subjected to unfair measures of isolation, despite the
    fact that in 2004 it accepted all the sacrifices that the Annan Plan entailed. It is not fair to expect the
    Turkish side to pay the price for a lack of solution. The lifting of such restrictions on Turkish Cypriots
    will not only remove an unjust practice but also accelerate the process of resolution.
    Mr. President,
    Turkey continues to actively participate in peace-keeping operations around the world under the
    umbrella of the UN, NATO, EU and the OSCE.
    We also lend strong support to the least developed and developing countries in their struggle to
    resolve developmental problems.
    On the other hand, as a party to the Kyoto Protocol, Turkey is ready to live up to its responsibilities
    with respect to this vital issue which concerns the future of our world. We support the determined
    efforts being made by the Secretary-General in the process of devising a new climate change regime.
    Before concluding, I wish to draw your attention to another very important issue which poses a threat
    to our world.
    We should not forget that each culture and civilization flourishes through the inspiration provided by
    the successes of other cultures and civilizations.
    As a matter of fact, our common values today as well as our science, law and art have been influenced
    not only by old Greek and Roman civilizations but also ancient Eastern civilizations.
    From Al Harezmi, the father of algebra, to Farabi who laid the foundations of music, from Ibn Sina
    who ushered in a new era in medicine to Sinan the architect who produced the finest engineering
    examples of his time, many Turkish and Islamic scholars, men of learning and artists made significant
    contributions to the progress of mankind.
    It is therefore essential to regard and understand diverse cultures not as the “other” but as individual
    elements of mankind’s cultural inheritance and to cultivate this spirit in new generations.
    This is the philosophy which underlies the Alliance of Civilizations which has become a United Nations
    initiative and strengthened its institutional structure under the co-sponsorship of Turkey and Spain.
    I have no doubt that the Alliance will make significant contributions to shaping a global civilization
    based on universal values through activities in the spheres of democracy, rule of law, good
    governance, human rights, gender equality, youth and media.
    As I conclude my remarks, I would like to express my hope that the 64th General Assembly will serve
    the best interests of all humanity.
    Thank you.

    Russian Federation
    H.E. Mr. Dmitry Medvedev, President

    23 September 2009

    Statement summary

    DMITRY MEDVEDEV, President of the Russian Federation, said the current session was taking place at a very crucial and uneasy point in time, with an economic crisis, regional conflicts, food shortages and climate change.  The agenda had been dictated by life itself, and that, in turn, dictated the growing demand for the United Nations as a tried and tested mechanism for the harmonization of various countries’ interests.  As never before, the international community was feeling the need for informal collective leadership, increased role of such formats as the G-8 and more recently the G-20, as well as other negotiation and mediation fora.

    Another distinctive feature of modern times related to an increasing role of regional entities, he said.  That trend was entirely consistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter.  His country, for its part, would continue to strengthen the mechanisms of regional interaction together with its partners across the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and in the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRIC ( Brazil, Russian Federation, India and China).  Those mechanisms helped their members to respond collectively to common threats, mitigate the consequences of crises and increase the sustainability of their national economies.

    Among the problems that could not be effectively resolved without the United Nations, he mentioned the imbalance of existing world economy governance mechanisms, the inadequacy of their “rules of the game”, and the chasm between financial markets and real economy.  With the Millennium Development Goals under a threat of disruption, donor assistance to the countries in need could not be put off until later.  The arrangements made at the G-20 summits and the United Nations conference on the world financial and economic crisis must be implemented within the deadlines that Member States had set.  It was also important to address the issues of global energy security.  His country had recently solidified the principles of a new legal framework for cooperation that had been formulated at the Saint Petersburg G-8 Summit three years ago, and was now inviting everyone to engage in further constructive discussions in that regard.  Those discussions should be conducted with an active involvement of specialized multilateral institutions, including the agencies of the United Nations system.

    His country also deemed it important to strengthen the United Nations itself, he continued.  The Organization must adapt to the new world realities, strengthen its influence and preserve its multinational nature, as well as the integrity of the Charter provisions.  The reform of the Security Council was an essential component of that revitalization.  The time had come to step up the search for a compromise formula of its expansion and increased efficiency.

    Turning to disarmament, he mentioned a Russian-Chinese initiative regarding a treaty on the prevention of the deployment of weapons in outer space, as well as the proposal to universalise the Russia-United States Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Short-Range Missiles.  The Russian Federation was steadily following the path of verifiable and irreversible reductions in nuclear weapons as an essential element of “a new start” in its relations with the United States.  Presidents Obama and Medvedev had signed a relevant document in Moscow last July, and a mandate for further negotiations had been agreed upon — to elaborate a legally binding treaty, which should replace the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, which would expire in December.  The recently announced adjustments to the United States plans for a missile defence system — a subject of his meeting with President Obama today — represented a constructive step in the right direction.  His country was prepared to engage in a thorough discussion of the United States proposals and relevant Russian initiatives regarding cooperation in that area.

    Real progress in nuclear disarmament was impossible without addressing national missile defence and non-nuclear strategic offensive arms potential.  He expected work on a new treaty to fully take into account relevant provisions of the joint document endorsed by the Presidents of the United States and the Russian Federation during their meeting in Moscow.  Other nuclear States should join the disarmament efforts.  There was no need to wait for further progress in Russia-United States disarmament.  It was possible to start elaborating acceptable and practical arrangements, taking into account the difference in the size of potentials.  The 2010 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) Review Conference would focus on the issues of nuclear disarmament, strengthening of the nuclear non-proliferation regime and a peaceful atom.  A global summit on nuclear security next April would also present a good opportunity to continue those discussions.  The Russian Federation had agreed with the United States Administration on joint steps for further progress in such aspects of nuclear security as prevention of nuclear terrorism and expanding access for all members implementing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in good faith to the achievements of a peaceful atom. He called for collective cooperation on those matters.

    As a member of the Quartet, Russia supported the efforts aimed at strengthening the nuclear-non-proliferation regime in the Middle East, he said.  His country had made specific proposals in the framework of the NPT Review in that regard.   Russia had also made proposals within the framework of the six-party talks in connection with the mechanism to ensure peace and security in North-East Asia.

    Turning to regional conflicts and security, he recalled “a reckless attempt of Georgia’s authorities to resolve the problem in its relations with South Ossetia by military means”.  To avoid the repetition of the events of August 2008, it was necessary to have clear and effective mechanisms to implement the principle of the indivisibility of security.  Without that, it would be impossible to overcome the legacy of the past, its instincts and prejudices.  Moreover, irresponsible regimes should not have any opportunity whatsoever to cause disputes among other countries.  The role and place of modern nations in ensuring global security was one of the most relevant topics.  Such issues had been the focus of discussion at an international conference in the Russian city of Yaroslavl.  The outcome of that discussion was that the future belonged to “smart politics”.  The current global crisis was not only the crisis of economy, but also a crisis of ideas.  It accumulated “a critical mass” of outdated policies and development models.

    The Russian Federation had introduced an initiative to sign a European security treaty and proposed a fresh look at that problem, he said.  The initiative concerned the Euro-Atlantic space, but its key provision on indivisibility of security was a universal principle applicable to all regions of the world that was fully consistent with the Charter of the United Nations.

    Referring to the growing nationalist moods, numerous manifestations of religious intolerance and animosity, he said it would be extremely useful to establish a high-level group on interreligious dialogue under the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Director-General.  That was especially relevant on the eve of the year for Rapprochement of Cultures in 2010.

    He added that, on the eve of the sixty-fifth anniversary of the end of the Second World War next year, Russia had made a proposal to adopt a General Assembly resolution on the matter and hold a special session to commemorate all victims of that war next May.   Attempts were being made to whitewash Nazism, deny the Holocaust and revise the decisions of the Nuremburg Tribunal.  Firm and joint resistance to the manifestations of neo-Nazism and attempts to revise the outcome of the Second World War should remain a priority task for the United Nations.
    Permanent Mission
    of the Russian
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    to the United Nations
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    ADDRESS
    by H. E. Dmitry A. Medvedev, President of the Russian Federation,
    at the 64th Session of the UN General Assembly
    23 September 2009
    Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen,
    Today I would like to highlight five topics that are, as it seems to. me,
    important for all of us and for our common approaches to the international agenda.
    1. Timing of this meeting.
    The current UN GA session is taking place in a very crucial and uneasy point
    in time. Without exaggeration, we are living through one of the breaking moments of
    the modern history. Besides the economic crisis – the first wide-scale crisis of
    globalization era — the world development continues to be threatened by regional and
    local conflicts, terrorism and trans-border crime, food shortage and climate change.
    The impact of this crisis continues to be suffered by the majority of the
    countries of the world. Albeit so far we were able to avoid the worst scenario, the
    question is still pending: how the huge disbalances and deficits accumulated in the
    world and national economies amounting to trillions of dollars will be overcome?
    2
    The unification agenda has been dictated by life itself. And this dictates the
    growing demand for the UN as a time tested mechanism of harmonization of interests
    of different counties.
    As never before, we are feeling the need for informal collective leadership;
    increased role of such formats as G8, and recently, G20, as well as other negotiation
    and mediation fora. These platforms act not against anyone but in favor of advancing
    converging interests of their participants. Their agreed approaches are being
    implemented through’ the UN system as well harmonically complementing the
    comprehensive efforts of this Organization as a pillar of the current world order.
    Another distinctive feature of the modem time is the increasing role of the
    regional entities. They become even more active throughout all the continents. This
    trend is absolutely consistent with the principles of the UN Charter. Russia, on its
    part, will continue to strengthen the mechanisms of regional interaction together with
    its partners across the CIS and in the framework of the SCO and BRIC. These
    mechanisms help respond collectively to common threats, and mitigate the
    consequences of the crisis for our citizens and increase sustainability of national
    economies.
    2. Existing problems.
    Let me dwell on those which cannot be effectively addressed without and
    beyond the United Nations.
    The first one is the disbalance of currently existing mechanisms of world
    economy governance, inadequacy of their “rules of the game”, the gap between the
    financial markets and the real sector of economy. We need to make joint efforts to
    establish such financial and economic model that would guarantee everyone from
    such turmoil in the future.
    In fact, all countries have confronted a drop in volumes of output and the living
    standard of. millions of people. The crisis has exacerbated social problems; and
    3
    became a trial for the young people at the start of their life; and caused significant
    growth in unemployment.
    A painful blow was delivered to our plans to alleviate poverty. A real threat of
    disruption of the Millennium Development Goals has manifested itself. We must do
    our utmost to prevent such a development.
    The donor assistance to the countries in need cannot be put off “to the later”.
    The tasks assigned as priority by the world community must be addressed by all
    means. The arrangements made at the G20 Summits and the UN Conference on
    world financial and economic crisis and its impact on development must be fulfilled.
    The second major task here is to address the issues of global energy security.
    Three years ago at the Saint Petersburg G8 Summit, principles of a new legal
    framework for such cooperation were formulated. The goal is to harmonize the
    interests of all participants in the energy “chain”: suppliers, consumers and transiters.
    Recently, we have specified these principles and invite everyone to engage in
    further constructive discussion. We believe that these discussions should be
    conducted with active involvement of profile multilateral institutions including the
    UN. family agencies.
    The third task that Russia deems important is the throughout strengthening of
    the United Nations potential. The UN must rationally adapt itself to [new] world
    realities. It should also strengthen its influence and preserve its multinational nature
    and integrity of the UN Charter provisions.
    The reform of the UN Security Council is an essential component of its
    revitalization. The time has come to speed up the search for a compromise formula of
    its expansion and increased efficiency of its work.
    3. Disarmament.
    A highly challenging task is to move forward the process of multilateral
    disarmament under the UN auspices. You are aware that positive trends have
    4
    i
    emerged in overcoming the protracted crisis in this area. The Conference on
    Disarmament in Geneva has adapted its program of work. Let me mention the
    Russian-Chinese initiative regarding a treaty on the prevention of the placement of
    weapons in outer space as well as our proposal to universalize the Russian-American
    Treaty on the Elimination of the Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles.
    Russia will steadily follow the path of verifiable and irreversible reductions in
    nuclear weapons as an essential element of “the new start” in our relations with the
    United States. President Obama and I signed a relevant document in Moscow last
    June. A mandate for further negotiations was agreed upon — to elaborate a legally
    binding treaty. This treaty should replace the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation
    of Strategic Offensive Arms, which expires this December.
    I would like to emphasize the objective relationship between strategic
    offensive and defensive arms. The recently announced adjustments in the US plans of
    missile defense system development are in our view a constructive step in the right
    direction that deserved the positive response of the international community. We are
    prepared to engage in a thorough discussion of the US proposals and relevant
    Russia’s initiatives regarding cooperation in this area to reach generally acceptable
    arrangements.
    The real progress in nuclear disarmament is impossible without addressing
    such matters of principle as NMD and non-nuclear SOA potential. I expect that the
    work on a new treaty will be fully consistent with relevant provisions of the joint
    document endorsed by the US President and me during our meeting in Moscow.
    We believe that other nuclear States should join the disarmament efforts of
    Russia and the United States. It is not necessary to wait for further progress in the
    Russian-American disarmament process. We can start elaborating in advance
    acceptable and practical arrangements that take into account the differences in the
    size of potentials. For instance, we can use as an example the decisions of the 1921-
    5
    1922 Washington Conference on the naval armaments when the participants agreed
    on their maximum size of their fleets without trying to achieve their equal levels. If
    we use the same approach today based on the actual status of nuclear powers arsenal
    we will give the rest of the world a necessary signal of certainty that the unaccounted
    numbers will be added to the “equation” of strategic stability.
    The 2010 NPT Review Conference will focus on the issues of nuclear
    disarmament, strengthening of the nuclear non-proliferation regime and peaceful
    atom. We are looking forward to its success.
    The Global Nuclear Security Summit scheduled for next April will provide a
    good opportunity for a more detailed discussion of these issues.
    We have also agreed with the US Administration on joint steps for further
    progress in such aspects of nuclear security as prevention of nuclear terrorism, and
    expanding the access for all good faith NPT Members to the achievements of
    peaceful atom.
    We call for collective cooperation on these matters.
    In order to reach a common understanding on such important issues we must
    engage all nations and influential international organizations into the abovementioned
    negotiation processes. The international community has at its disposal
    such well-tested measures for increasing the level of regional and international
    security as nuclear free zones. In particular, there is an urgent task of establishing a
    zone free of all types of WMDs and their means of delivery in the Middle East. This
    is a long-standing issue. And the 1995 NPT Review Conference had adopted a
    relevant resolution in this regard.
    Russia as a member of the Quartet of international mediators on the Middle
    East settlement consistently supports the efforts aimed at strengthening the nuclear
    non-proliferation regime in the Middle East. Russia has made specific proposals in
    the framework of the NPT review process to search for generally acceptable ways of
    6
    implementing the relevant NPT decisions. All countries of the region need to take an
    active stance on this issue and demonstrate their willingness to ensure a real progress
    in establishing a nuclear free zone.
    We also need to speed up the work towards a mechanism to ensure peace and
    security in North-East Asia. Russia made its proposals in this regard to the
    participants in the Six-Party Talks. Under the present circumstances this task
    becomes even more urgent.
    4. Regional conflicts and regional security.
    We intend to continue to participate in the search for efficient options of
    settlement for regional conflicts. We are convinced that the use of force can only
    aggravate this situation. This was demonstrated by a reckless attempt of the Georgian
    authorities to resolve the problems in their relations with South Ossetia by military
    means.
    Then, in August 2008, we were very close to the situation when a local armed
    conflict could grow into a full-scale war. I am certain that this is understood by
    everyone and in order to avoid repetition of such developments we need to have clear
    and effective mechanisms to implement the principle of indivisibility of security.
    Without it we will not be able to step over the legacy of the past era, to overcome its
    instincts and prejudices. Moreover, the irresponsible regimes should not have any
    opportunity whatsoever to cause disputes among other counties.
    The role and place of the modern nations in ensuring global security is one of
    the most relevant topics. We have repeatedly witnessed situations when the problems
    emerging on the territory of individual states acquired regional or even global
    character. Incompetence and inefficiency of national government institutions can
    provoke consequences that represent risk for several countries. Of course, the
    prevention of such consequences is a complex issue. But we must think it over
    together as well.
    7
    These issues were at the focus of discussion in the Russian- city of Yaroslavl
    where a representative international conference was held. The outcome of this
    discussion is that the future belongs to the smart politics. The current global crisis is
    not only the crisis of economy but also the crisis of ideas. It accumulates a “critical
    mass” of outdated policies and development models.
    Russia has come up with the initiative to sign a European security treaty and
    proposed a fresh look at this problem so as to abandon the outdated policies. The
    Cold War is over. But the world has not become more secure. And this is already a
    fact known to everyone. Today we need genuinely modern solutions. We also need
    clear legal framework for already existing political commitments. This includes
    obligations that would strengthen the following principle: not to ensure one’s own
    security at the expense of security of others.
    Our initiative concerns the Euro-Atlantic space. However, its key provision on
    indivisibility of security is a universal principle applicable to all regions of the world
    that is fully consistent with the letter and spirit of the UN Charter. The principle of
    indivisibility of security should become an integral part of the international law.
    5. Values.
    Ladies and Gentlemen,
    The protection of human rights and interests, universal application of generally
    recognized norms and principles in this area should become a basis for strengthening
    confidence and stability in the international relations. We all share the values that are
    rooted in the norms of morality, religions, customs and traditions. I am talking about
    such essential concepts as the right to live, tolerance to dissent, responsibility towards
    one’s family, charity and compassion. This is the basis for both the daily life of
    people and relations among States.
    However, the world is witnessing growing nationalist moods, numerous
    manifestations of religious intolerance and animosity. Therefore, we consider it to be
    8
    extremely useful to establish a High Level Group on interreligious dialogue under the
    UNESCO Director-General. This is especially relevant on the eve of 2010 declared
    by the UN as the year for Rapprochement of Cultures.
    And finally, I cannot but touch upon one more topic as I stand on this podium.
    Next year we are going to celebrate the 65th anniversary of the end of the
    World War II.
    Russia made a proposal to adopt a relevant UN GA resolution and hold in May
    next year its special session to commemorate all victims of that war. We cannot allow
    its horrible lessons to be forgotten.
    However, from time to time we see the neo-Nazi organizations raising their
    head. Racial, national or ethnic crimes are being committed. Attempts are being made
    to whitewash the Nazism, to deny Holocaust, revise the decisions of the Nuremberg
    Tribunal.
    I am convinced that firm and joint resistance to manifestations of neo-Nazism
    and attempts to revise the results of the World War II enshrined in the UN Charter
    should remain a priority task for the United Nations.
    Ladies and Gentlemen,
    The creation of the UN has become one of the main achievements of the world
    community in the 20th century. There is no and cannot be an alternative to this
    organization and its fruitful activity. We have no right to forget that the UN possesses
    a unique international legitimacy. And we all must preserve and strengthen this
    shared wealth of the peoples of the world.
    Thank you for attention.

    Turkmenistan
    H.E. Mr. Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, President

    23 September 2009 Statement summary

    GURBANGULY BERDIMUHAMEDOV, President of Turkmenistan, said today’s world demanded closer coordination among States and international organizations.  How effective that interaction was would determine how global problems of ecology, energy, food, water distribution and poverty would be solved.  It would be impossible to discuss achieving those goals without reaffirming the United Nations’s most important role.  For more than 60 years, it had been the main guarantor of universal peace, security and development.

    Regarding United Nations reform, he said the Organization had to improve its effectiveness.  Reform must be sensible, targeted and related to the global community’s real needs.  Supporting efforts to bring more openness to the United Nations, he said the Security Council’s structure had to be improved, notably to create closer interaction with the General Assembly.

    He said the permanent neutrality of Turkmenistan, and features of its legal status, provided opportunities for positive influence on the process in the Central Asia and Caspian Sea region.  The idea would be to create permanent mechanisms for discussing regional problems and working out mutually acceptable decisions.  Security of one country could not be guaranteed in a lack of regional security.

    On energy, he said discussion centred not on accepting preventive measures or local agreements on aspects of fuel transport, but on the creation of a new, universal model of relations in the world energy space –- those based on a multilateral balance of interests.  In line with a General Assembly resolution on “Reliable and stable transit of energy resources and its role in securing stable growth and international cooperation” (2008), Turkmenistan had held a high-level international conference on that issue.  A proposal from it outlined the creation of a legal document on the transit of energy resources, which would take into account proposals of interested countries and organizations.  Turkmenistan fully supported that idea and called on interested States to put forward proposals.

    Taking up disarmament and reduction of weapons arsenals, he said countering distribution was a main issue on the global agenda.  Turkmenistan was convinced that the fewer armaments, the more stable the world’s development.  All countries in his region were parties to the 2006 Treaty that established a nuclear-free zone in Central Asia, and he called for holding an international conference in the first half of next year under United Nations auspices.  He also welcomed proposals aimed at assisting global disarmament processes.

    Among the most serious issues today was effectively countering international terrorism, illegal drug trafficking and trans-border organized crime, he said. Such problems were especially important in his region and only through joint efforts could those threats be resisted.  The United Nations should increase its participation in coordinating models of international cooperation that aimed to neutralize those threats.

    Turning to the revival of Afghanistan, he said Turkmenistan would continue to provide assistance to that country for reconstruction, and social and humanitarian purposes.  The United Nations, with its peacemaking experience, should suggest new political-diplomatic models for solving Afghanistan’s problems and take into account the potential of the United Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia.

    The serious after-effects of the world financial and economic crisis demonstrated the need to join efforts in shaping a global architecture of security and establishing conditions for equal relations among States, based on recognized international legal norms, he said.  Responsibility, morality and humanism were criteria that current and future generations would use to assess the Assembly’s work.  As a member of the world community, Turkmenistan would contribute to strengthening the high principles in such international affairs.

    ВЫСТУПЛЕНИЕ
    Президента Туркменистана на 64-й сессии Генеральной Ассамблеи Организации объединенных Наций
    (гор. Нью-Йорк, 23 сентября 2009 года)
    Уважаемый господин Председатель,
    уважаемый господин Генеральный секретарь,
    уважаемые главы делегаций,
    дамы и господа,
    От имени народа и правительства Туркменистана сердечно приветствую вас и поздравляю с началом работы 64-й сессии Генеральной Ассамблеи Организации Объединенных Наций.
    Я поздравляю уважаемого господина Али Абдель Салам-ат-Трейки с избранием на пост Председателя Генеральной Ассамблеи ООН и выражаю уверенность, что под его руководством Генеральная Ассамблея будет работать успешно и плодотворно. Хотел бы также выразить нашу признательность уважаемому господину Мигелю д` Эското Брокману – Председателю 63-й сессии Генеральной Ассамблеи за умелую и эффективную деятельность на этом посту.
    Уважаемый господин Председатель,
    дамы и господа,
    Нынешнее состояние общемировых реалий, характер и тенденции политических, экономических, социальных процессов сегодня объективно требуют все более тесного и скоординированного взаимодействия государств и крупнейших международных организаций во имя достижения общей главной цели – обеспечения, в глобальном масштабе, мира и безопасности, условий для дальнейшего поступательного развития и прогресса, сохранения правовых и нравственных основ, заложенных в фундамент современного миропорядка. Степень эффективности такого взаимодействия, нахождение разумного баланса между 1
    национальными интересами и интересами всего международного сообщества во многом будут определять и успешность решения других, не менее важных глобальных проблем – экологических, энергетических, продовольственных, вопросов справедливого распределения водных ресурсов, результативность работы по борьбе с бедностью, инфекционными заболеваниями, противодействию наркоугрозе и другим вызовам.
    Говорить об осуществлении этих целей невозможно без признания и подтверждения важнейшей роли Организации Объединенных Наций. Вот уже на протяжении шестидесяти с лишним лет ООН выступает главным гарантом сохранения и поддержания всеобщего мира, безопасности и развития. За это время наша Организация снискала высокий авторитет в мире, накопила уникальный опыт в содействии решению сложных международных проблем, наработала прочную правовую базу сотрудничества между государствами.
    ООН была и остается основой современного мироустройства, полюсом притяжения надежд и чаяний всего человечества. В нынешних условиях именно Организация Объединенных Наций должна стать опорой в созидательной деятельности государств, в построении справедливой и гармоничной системы международных отношений.
    Под этим углом зрения Туркменистан рассматривает вопросы реформирования ООН. Мы отдаем себе отчет, что по ряду аспектов своей деятельности наша Организация нуждается в совершенствовании, большей эффективности, соответствии требованиям дня. Это нормальный и закономерный процесс, отвечающей логике сегодняшнего динамичного развития мира. И потому мы – за разумное реформирование ООН, но только в сторону ее дальнейшего укрепления, неуклонного упрочения позиций в системе международных координат, расширения роли и функций как гаранта глобального мира, стабильности и развития.
    Убеждены: реформирование Организации должно быть осмысленным, адресным, соотнесенным с действительными потребностями международного сообщества. Туркменистан поддерживает усилия государств-членов ООН, ее Генерального секретаря, направленные на придание работе Организации большей динамичности, эффективности, открытости и демократичности. В этом контексте Туркменистан разделяет мнение о необходимости 2
    дальнейшего совершенствования структуры Совета Безопасности, налаживания более тесного и эффективного взаимодействия между Советом Безопасности и Генеральной Ассамблеей.
    Уважаемый Председатель,
    Главной целью внешней политики Туркменистана было и остается всемерное содействие мировому сообществу в его усилиях по поддержанию и укреплению глобальной системы безопасности, предупреждению и нейтрализации угрозы возникновения конфликтов, обеспечению условий для стабильного и устойчивого развития государств и народов, широкого и конструктивного международного сотрудничества.
    Считаем в этой связи, что постоянный нейтралитет Туркменистана и связанные с этим особенности его правового статуса открывают для Сообщества Наций хорошие практические возможности для позитивного влияния на ход и характер процессов в Центральной Азии и регионе Каспийского моря. Речь идет о налаживании здесь постоянного действующих механизмов международного общения для обсуждения различных аспектов региональной проблематики и выработки по ним взаимоприемлемых и консенсусных решений. Опираясь на имеющийся опыт политико-дипломатического миротворчества под эгидой ООН, Туркменистан заявляет о своей готовности предоставлять мировому сообществу все необходимые политические и организационно-технические условия для этой работы. В этом контексте мы считаем исключительно значимым и перспективным принятое в 2007 году решение Организации Объединенных Наций об открытии Регионального центра ООН по превентивной дипломатии в Центральной Азии со штаб-квартирой в Ашхабаде. В настоящее время этот Центр проводит активную работу по мониторингу и анализу региональной проблематики, принимает деятельное участие в различных мероприятиях по важнейшим вопросам развития Центральной Азии, в том числе на уровне глав государств, оказывает содействие в выработке подходов к их решению. В данном контексте Туркменистан приветствует подключение различных государств, международных организаций, финансовых и экономических институтов,
    3
    экспертного сообщества к усилиям ООН по выработке конструктивных моделей развития региональных процессов.
    Формируя свои подходы к проблеме обеспечения всеобщей безопасности, мы исходим из целостности и неделимости этого понятия – как в геополитическом смысле, так и с точки зрения взаимосвязанности ее конкретных аспектов. Мы убеждены: безопасность одной страны не может быть обеспечена в отсутствие безопасности в регионе, на континенте, в мире. Так же, как безопасность политическая или военная не будут долгосрочными и полноценными без обеспечения безопасности экономической, энергетической, продовольственной, без предупреждения и нейтрализации рисков и угроз экологического, техногенного характера, без эффективного противодействия международному терроризму, организованной преступности, распространению оружия массового поражения, другим глобальным вызовам.
    С этой точки зрения одной из самых актуальных составляющих глобальной безопасности является энергетическая безопасность. Это, в первую очередь, обусловлено тем, что нынешняя система международных энергопоставок стала уязвимым звеном мировой экономики. Такая уязвимость характеризуется рядом причин – политической нестабильностью в отдельных регионах планеты, отсутствием общепризнанных регулирующих международно-правовых механизмов, несовершенством инфраструктуры, однобокостью географии трубопроводных маршрутов. Все это накладывает свой отпечаток на общую атмосферу на мировом рынке энергопоставок. Изменить эту ситуацию, преодолеть инерцию стереотипов, выйти на новый уровень мышления, отвечающий современным требованиям, – является объективной необходимостью. Сегодня речь идет не о принятии каких-то профилактических мер, не о локальных договоренностях по отдельным аспектам транспортировки топлива, а о создании принципиально новой, универсальной модели отношений на мировом энергетическом пространстве. Модели, основанной на многостороннем балансе интересов, совпадении взглядов и представлений о глобальной архитектуре энергетической безопасности, осознании долгосрочных выгод и преимуществ сотрудничества.
    Логичным видится, в качестве первого шага в этом направлении, начать широкое международное общение по 4
    проблеме энергопоставок. Необходимо найти линии соприкосновения интересов, определить исходные позиции, выработать общий язык, на котором предстоит вести диалог. Другими словами, создать основу для предметного и заинтересованного взаимодействия. Исходя из этого, в ходе предыдущей сессии Генеральной Ассамблеи Туркменистан выступил с инициативой о выработке универсальных механизмов, которые обеспечивали бы надежное и безопасное функционирование международной инфраструктуры энергопоставок, доступ к ним и эффективное их использование. Первым шагом на этом пути стала Резолюция Генеральной Ассамблеи Организации Объединенных Наций «Надежный и стабильный транзит энергоносителей и его роль в обеспечении устойчивого развития и международного сотрудничества», принятая по инициативе Туркменистана консенсусом 19 декабря 2008 года. Пользуясь, случаем, я хотел бы выразить признательность всем государствам за поддержку нашей инициативы, за ответственную и конструктивную позицию в этом вопросе.
    Следуя букве и духу резолюции, Туркменистан предложил провести у себя в сотрудничестве с ООН Международную конференцию высокого уровня «Надежный и стабильный транзит энергоносителей и его роль в обеспечении устойчивого развития и международного сотрудничества», которая состоялась в Ашхабаде в апреле 2009 года. Одним из результатов конференции стало предложение обратиться к Организации Объединенных Наций с просьбой рассмотреть вопрос создания экспертной группы для подготовки рекомендаций по разработке будущего международно-правового документа по транзиту энергоносителей с учетом предложений заинтересованных стран и международных организаций. Туркменистан готов всецело содействовать формированию такой группы в рамках ООН и призывает все заинтересованные государства сформулировать предложения по ее работе. Считаем, что создание группы могло бы стать первым шагом в процессе подготовки комплексного документа ООН, нацеленного на обеспечение эффективного функционирования международной системы энергетических поставок, включая вопросы защищенности энергонесущих систем.
    5
    Уважаемый Председатель,
    дамы и господа,
    Содействие процессам разоружения, сокращения арсеналов оружия, прежде всего, оружия массового поражения, его распространения продолжает оставаться одной из ключевых тем глобальной повестки дня. Считаем, что наследию холодной войны, рецидивам блокового противостояния, когда количество и качество имеющихся вооружений являлись, чуть ли не главными критериями влиятельности и авторитета государств, не место в современной системе международных отношений. Убеждены: чем меньше будет в мире оружия, тем стабильнее и спокойнее будет его развитие, тем больше будет доверия и понимания между странами и народами.
    Как известно, в 2006 году в городе Семипалатинске был подписан Договор о создании зоны, свободной от ядерного оружия, в Центральной Азии. Участниками Договора стали все государства региона, эта совместная инициатива оказалась созвучна устремлениям большинства стран мира, она удостоилась высокой оценки международного сообщества, получила одобрение в Генеральной Ассамблее ООН. Считаем актуальным в этой связи проведение в первой половине следующего года под эгидой Организации Объединенных Наций представительной международной конференции, посвященной разоруженческой проблематике в регионе Центральной Азии и Каспийского бассейна. Наша страна готова выступить организатором такого мероприятия. Мы также будем приветствовать конструктивные предложения международного сообщества, отдельных государств, направленные на содействие глобальным процессам разоружения, и заинтересованно рассматривать вопросы своего участия в их реализации.
    Одним из серьезнейших требований глобального масштаба сегодня является эффективное противодействие таким явлениям, как международный терроризм, незаконный оборот наркотиков, трансграничная организованная преступность. В силу ряда проблема особенно актуальна для нашего региона. Мы убеждены: только совместными усилиями государств, при тесном взаимодействии с международными структурами можно успешно 6
    противостоять этим угрозам. В данном контексте Туркменистан отводит особую роль деятельности Организации Объединенных Наций. Мы считаем необходимым и своевременным активизацию участия ООН, ее институтов и учреждений в выработке и координации эффективных моделей международного сотрудничества с целью нейтрализации этих угроз, задействовании механизмов превентивной дипломатии, создании условий для постконфликтного восстановления экономической и социальной инфраструктуры.
    В этой связи необходимо подчеркнуть особую важность, которую придает Туркменистан делу возрождения Афганистана, утверждения на афганской земле прочного мира. Наша страна оказывает Афганистану помощь в восстановлении ее экономики, в строительстве объектов социального и гуманитарного назначения. Эта работа будет продолжена. Мы хотим видеть Афганистан мирной и процветающий страной, добрым соседом и партнером всех государств региона. При этом считаем, что в деле афганского урегулирования важную роль может и призвана сыграть Организация Объединенных Наций. Убеждены, что именно ООН с ее колоссальным миротворческим опытом, высочайшим моральным авторитетом способна предложить новые формы и модели в контексте политико-дипломатических усилий по решению проблем Афганистана, утверждению согласия и мира в этой стране. Сегодня такая работа может быть активизирована и стать более действенной с учетом возможностей Регионального центра ООН по превентивной дипломатии в Центральной Азии. Выступаем за более широкое и адресное привлечение Регионального центра к усилиям международного сообщества по урегулированию ситуации в Афганистане.
    Уважаемый Председатель,
    уважаемые члены делегаций,
    Осознание мировым сообществом общности долгосрочных целей развития и готовность сообща добиваться их осуществления выступает сегодня условием устойчивости всей системы международных связей. Серьезные последствия мирового финансово-экономического кризиса еще раз наглядно 7
    продемонстрировали необходимость объединения усилий по формированию глобальной архитектуры безопасности, созданию условий для равноправных и справедливых отношений между государствами и народами на основе признанных международно-правовых норм и великих, непреходящих идеалов Организации Объединенных Наций.
    Туркменистан верит, что ответственность, нравственность и гуманизм станут теми определяющими критериями, по которым нынешнее и будущие поколения будут оценивать нашу работу. Мы, как государство, как член мирового сообщества будем и далее вносить свой вклад в утверждение в международных делах этих высоких принципов, последовательно претворять в жизнь философию туркменского нейтралитета, в котором стратегическому сотрудничеству с Организацией Объединенных Наций отводится основополагающая роль.
    Благодарю за внимание.

    Iran (Islamic Republic of)
    H.E. Mr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, President

    23 September 2009
    Statement summary

    MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD, President of Iran, said that to create “a bright tomorrow”, fundamental changes of attitude would have to be made. First off, the current financial system would have to change. “The engine of unbridled capitalism, with its unfair system of thought, has reached the end of the road and is unable to move,” he said. “The era of capitalist thinking […] and the age of setting up empires is over. It is no longer possible to humiliate nations and impose double standards on the world community.” Such hypocrisy would not be allowed to continue. “Those who define democracy and freedom and set standards while they themselves are the first who violate fundamental principles […] can no longer be both the judge and executor, and challenge the real democratically established Governments.” He added that “most nations, including the people of the United States, are waiting for real and profound changes.”

    With regard to Palestine, he said that the entire population of a country had been deprived of their homeland for more than 60 years, and their legitimate right of self-defence had been denied. He noted that while certain Governments unconditionally supported the occupiers against defenceless women and children, at the same time, “oppressed men and women” were subjected to heavy economic blockades, the result of which was “genocide”. He then addressed issues in the wider Middle East and said it was “not acceptable that some who are several thousand kilometres away from the Middle East should send their troops for military intervention” and spread war, bloodshed, aggression and terror.

    It was no longer possible to bring a country under military occupation in the name of the fight against terrorism and drug trafficking, while the production of drugs multiplied and terrorism widened its dimensions, he said. And “those who have created the current disastrous situation continue to blame others. How can you speak about friendship and solidarity with other nations while you expand your military bases in different parts of the world, including in Latin America?” He warned that such “militaristic logic” would have dire consequences and exacerbate the problems in the world. “There are those who export billions of dollars of arms every year, stockpile chemical and biological, as well as nuclear weapons […] while accusing others of militarism.”

    On the subject of the economy, he said the current financial mechanisms were outdated, and those inequitable structures were unable to solve the challenges ahead. The political and economic structures created following the Second World War had been based on intentions to dominate the world and failed to promote justice and lasting security. “By the grace of God, Marxism is gone. It is now history. Unhindered capitalism will certainly have the same fate.” He spoke against colonialist and discriminatory goals and hypocrisy in international relations, and called for collective action “to return to basic moral and human values”.

    Before the Assembly were several points on the agenda, he said. The first included the reform of the Organization itself, in particular the structure of the Security Council and the abolishment of veto rights, and the restoration of the rights of the Palestinian people. He also called for an end to inference in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America, Asia and Europe. “Oppression against Palestinians and violations of their rights still continue,” he said. “Bombings in Afghanistan and Pakistan have not yet stopped, and Guantanamo prison has not yet been shut down. And there are still secret prisons in Europe.” Further points before the Assembly included reform of the current international economic structures and political relations, and the “eradication of the arms race and the elimination of all nuclear, chemical and biological weapons”. At the same time, he emphasized the right of “all nations to have access to peaceful technologies”.

    Speaking of his own country, he said: “Our nation has successfully gone through a glorious and fully democratic election, opening a new chapter for our country in the march towards national progress and enhanced international interactions. They entrusted me once more with a large majority with this heavy responsibility.” He emphasized that Iran was ready to engage with the international community and “warmly shake all those hands which are honestly extended to us”, he said. “No nation can claim to be free from the need to change and reform in this journey towards perfectness. We welcome real and humane changes, and stand ready to actively engage in fundamental global reforms.”

    Ukraine
    H.E. Mr. Victor Yushchenko, President

    23 September 2009
    Statement summary

    VICTOR YUSHCNENKO, President of Ukraine, said there was an atmosphere of strengthening freedom in his country, and its choice for democracy was irreversible.  As a free nation, Ukraine would not accept any form of interference into the internal affairs of sovereign States, any pressure on them, or any manifestation of authoritarian thinking in international relations.  Most importantly, Ukraine would not accept any violations of fundamental international principles, particularly territorial integrity and the inviolability of the frontiers of all sovereign States.

    The Charter entrusted the Security Council with the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, and he confirmed Ukraine’s resolve to become a Council member in 2016-2017.   Ukraine would always be a reliable partner of the United Nations in all peace and security issues and collective actions that fostered stability in all regions, especially Africa.

    Nearly 15 years ago, Ukraine had voluntarily given up the world’s third largest nuclear potential and acceded to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear State.  He welcomed steps taken by the Untied States and the Russian Federation to shape a new agreement to replace the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms of 31 July 1991, which expired this year.  The country strictly abided by Council resolutions and adhered to all established international regimes.

    He then turned to the global fight against maritime piracy, which was an important issue for a country with nearly 70,000 citizens employed on ships under foreign flags.  Ukraine valued all efforts of the United Nations and International Maritime Organization in that regard, and he stressed that piracy was a dangerous and threatening problem that impacted all nations.  In the last seven years, pirates had attacked 18 vessels with Ukrainian sailors on board and 35 Ukrainian sailors had been taken hostage in the last nine months.   Ukraine strongly supported the creation of uniform and clear rules to fight pirates and protect sailors.

    The global financial crisis was one of the most acute problems facing the international community and it may be time to discuss the creation of a United Nations “Economic Security Council”.  The most important objective of the Organization was for each country to protect common people from the financial crisis and prevent a decline in their living standards, he added.

    Kazakhstan
    H.E. Kanat Saudabayev, Secretary of State and Minister for Foreign Affairs

    23 September 2009
    Statement summary

    KANAT SAUDABAYEV, Secretary of State and Foreign Minister of Kazakhstan, recalled that on 11 September eight years ago, Kazakh citizen Zhanetta Tsoy had kissed her husband and daughter goodbye before perishing on her first day of work, in the attack on the World Trade Center.  That terrorist act, and the world’s unity in condemning it, showed that only together could the international community make a safer and better present and future.  Kazakhstan had supported the global fight against terrorism from the start by assisting the efforts of the international coalition in Afghanistan.  However, there had never been and there would never be a purely military solution to the conflict there.

    Noting with satisfaction the increased attention paid by coalition members to non-military aspects of security, he said his country was assisting, to the best of its ability, in the international efforts to rehabilitate Afghanistan.  Kazakhstan was also in the process of developing a long-term educational programme for training qualified Afghan specialists.  However, the country’s long-term stability was impossible without effective measures to tackle illicit drug trafficking.  The Central Asian Regional Information Coordination Centre had been established in Almaty, Kazakhstan, with United Nations support, to fight illicit drug trafficking.  As Chairman-in-Office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2010, Kazakhstan intended to define stabilization efforts in Afghanistan as one of that organization’s most important priorities.

    As a country that had experience the horrors of nuclear tests, Kazakhstan had a “moral right” to call for more decisive action in the area of disarmament, he said, calling in particular for the soonest possible entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.  However, the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons was “asymmetrical” in providing sanctions only against non-nuclear-weapon States.  Nuclear-weapon Powers should themselves set the example by reducing and renouncing their nuclear arsenals.  An effective measure to strengthen the non-proliferation regime would be the establishment of an international nuclear fuel bank under IAEA auspices, which Kazakhstan would be willing to host on its territory.

    Calling attention to Kazakhstan’s proposal to declare 29 August the International Day for a World Free of Nuclear Weapons, he said that was the date of the first Soviet nuclear test conducted at Semipalatinsk in 1949 and the date when the site had been shut down in 1991.  As Chairman of the 2011 Ministerial Conference of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC), Kazakhstan was eager to use that “unique opportunity” to strengthen constructive cooperation between various cultures and civilizations, and to adopt concrete decisions on the issue.  Quoting Martin Luther King Jr., he said: “Men often hate each other because they fear each other; they fear each other because they don’t know each other; they don’t know each other because they cannot communicate; they cannot communicate because they are separated.”  While those words were often true today, they should not be true tomorrow.

    KAZAKHSTAN
    Please, check against delivery
    STATEMENT
    BY H.E. MR. KANAT SAUDABAYEV
    SECRETARY OF STATE – MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
    OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN
    AT THE GENERAL DEBATE OF THE 64™ SESSION
    OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
    25 September 2009
    New York
    PERMANENT MISSION OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN TO THE UNITED NATIONS
    3 Dag Hammarskjold Plaza
    305 East 47th Street, 3rd Floor, New York, NY 10017
    Tel: (212) 230-1900 • Fax (212) 230-1172 • E-mail: [email protected]
    Mr. President,
    Mr. Secretary-General,
    Ladies and gentlemen,
    At the outset, I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on the election to
    this high post and wish you success during this UN General Assembly session.
    Eight years ago, on September 11, Ms. Zhannetta Tsoy, a citizen of Kazakhstan,
    having kissed her daughter and husband, left for her first day at a new work in New
    York’s tallest building. Two hours later she perished. Along with three thousand
    Americans and citizens of other 91 countries she was buried under the debris of what
    had once been the World Trade Center’s Twin Towers. On that day, as Kazakhstan’s
    Ambassador in Washington D.C., along with all Americans I could acutely feel how
    fragile, vulnerable and interdependent our world had become. This terrorist act and the
    world’s unity in its strict condemnation showed that only together we can make our
    present and our future safer and better. Indeed, the key to successful resolution of
    today’s most acute problems is exactly in the world’s unity and understanding.
    President Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan and our people have supported
    the global fight against terrorism from the start by rendering assistance to efforts of the
    International Coalition in Afghanistan. However, there has never been and will never
    be only a military solution to the Afghan problem. We note with satisfaction that the
    Coalition members have commenced paying more attention to non-military aspects of
    security. To the best of our ability, Kazakhstan is also assisting the international efforts
    to rehabilitate Afghanistan. We provide considerable humanitarian aid to this country,
    more than that, we are developing a long-term educational program for training
    qualified Afghan specialists, as we also consider other forms of assistance to that
    country.
    Long-term stability in Afghanistan is impossible without effective measures to
    tackle illicit drug trafficking. The Central Asian Regional Information-Coordination
    Center (CARICC) has been established in Almaty with the support of the UN to fight
    illicit drug trafficking.
    Kazakhstan, as Chairman-in-Office of the Organization for Security and
    Cooperation in Europe in 2010, intends to define stabilization of the situation in
    Afghanistan – OSCE’s regional neighbor – as one of the most important priorities of
    the Organization.
    Mr. President,
    The prospect of nuclear weapons proliferation, along with a risk of their
    acquisition and use by terrorist organizations remains one of the most serious threats to
    the mankind.
    As a country that has experienced the horrors of nuclear tests, shut down the
    world’s second largest nuclear testing site, and voluntarily renounced the world’s
    fourth largest nuclear and missile arsenal, Kazakhstan has an absolute moral right to
    call for more decisive actions in the area of disarmament and radical strengthening of
    the weapons of mass destruction non-proliferation regime.
    In particular, Kazakhstan deems it is important to ensure the soonest entry into
    force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. We are encouraged by the
    intentions of U.S. President Barack Obama to give a new impetus to this process.
    Kazakhstan stands for the strengthening and ensuring universality of the Treaty
    on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We have to acknowledge that the Treaty is
    asymmetric in providing sanctions only against non-nuclear-weapon states, although
    the nuclear powers themselves should set examples of reducing and renouncing their
    nuclear arsenals.
    In this regard, we welcome the latest initiatives of U.S. and Russia’s Presidents
    Barack Obama and Dmitry Medvedev in this field, which echo principled positions
    expressed more than once from this podium by President Nazarbayev, as well as in his
    bilateral meetings with heads of nuclear-weapon states, as well as countries that
    cherish such ambitions.
    Today, it is necessary to take even more decisive actions. Our President has
    proposed the development of a new universal Comprehensive Horizontal and Vertical
    Nuclear Weapons Non-Proliferation Treaty. The configuration of the new treaty and
    its contents will largely depend on the proposals of all interested states.
    An effective measure to strengthen the non-proliferation regime could be the
    establishment of international nuclear fuel bank under IAEA auspices, and Kazakhstan
    is ready to consider a possibility of locating it on our territory.
    One of the considerable contributions made by Kazakhstan and the Central
    Asian states to the NPT implementation was this March’s entry into force of the Treaty
    on the Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in our region. The peculiarity of this zone is that it
    is located between two largest nuclear powers. The zone could play a large practical
    role in preventing uncontrolled proliferation of nuclear materials, as well as in fighting
    the nuclear terrorism. We count on the support for the Central Asian zone, firstly, from
    the nuclear powers, meaning a possibility of providing negative security guarantees.
    We support the U.S. initiative to hold a global nuclear security summit next
    year.
    I would like to draw the attention of the General Assembly to a proposal of the
    President of Kazakhstan on declaring 29 August as the International Day for a World
    Free of Nuclear Weapons. This date has a deep symbolical meaning. On this day in
    1949, the Soviet Union conducted its first nuclear test at the Semipalatinsk test site,
    and on the same day, in 1991 the test site was shut down forever by our President’s
    decree. We hope the General Assembly will support this initiative.
    Ladies and gentlemen,
    Today, the mankind is undergoing the global financial and economic crisis, the
    largest one of recent decades. According to the IMF, approximately 50 states have
    edged to the brink of an economic catastrophe. At the same time, the present crisis is
    largely logical. The world’s economic development and a gigantic leap forward in
    technologies over the last 60 years could not solve such eternal problems as poverty
    and hunger. The gap between the rich and the poor continues to grow. More than a
    billion people live on less than a dollar a day. With prominent achievements in modern
    science and medicine, about 10 million children under five die annually because of
    curable diseases. More than 30 million people worldwide live with HIV, while only
    thee million of those have access to anti-retroviral therapy.
    The economic crisis has caused necessity to rethink and revisit many conceptual
    approaches that have earlier seemed cut in stone. It once again demonstrated the
    urgency of unifying all states’ efforts in addressing modern challenges. The leader of
    our country was one of the first to share his vision for the world’s post-crisis
    development. He proposed drafting an international law on the single world currency,
    as well as establishing, in the long run, the World Emission Centre, the World Anti-
    Monopoly Currency Committee, as well as the World Committee of Market Freedom.
    The United Nations with its structural bodies and specialized agencies is the singular
    global organization capable of addressing such problems.
    Mr. President,
    During acute social and economic breakdowns risks of inter-ethnic and interreligious
    conflicts increase considerably. Located at the confluence of Asia and
    Europe, having maintained peace and accord in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious
    country during all the years of its independence, Kazakhstan is ready to act as a
    “bridge” of mutual understanding and tolerance between the East and the West.
    As Chairman of the OSCE in 2010, and of the 2011 Ministerial Conference of
    the Organization of Islamic Conference, Kazakhstan is eager to fully use this unique
    opportunity for strengthening constructive cooperation between various cultures and
    civilizations, adoption of concrete decisions on this issue. In addition, since 2003 our
    country has hosted three Congresses of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions,
    now supported by the United Nations.
    At Kazakhstan’s initiative, the 62nd session of UN General Assembly adopted a
    resolution declaring 2010 the International Year for Rapprochement of Cultures. We
    call on UN Member States to take active participation in marking this Year.
    Kazakhstan, fully supporting the goals of the Alliance of Civilizations, calls on
    all Member States and organizations of the UN system to contribute to the
    strengthening of tolerance and mutual understanding in the world.
    Ladies and gentlemen,
    In modern circumstances, the regional aspect of solving global problems
    increases. Our country is firmly committed to consistent development of the regional
    cooperation for security and development in Central Asia.
    Currently, a unique security architecture is being formed in Eurasia, with
    organizations such as OSCE, CICA, SCO, CSTO, and NATO forming its most
    important elements. At the same time, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence
    Building Measures in Asia (CICA), convened at the initiative introduced by President
    Nazarbayev from this podium in 1992, is now becoming an effective mechanism for
    strengthening regional security and cooperation.
    In 2010, our country will take up the chairmanship of the OSCE. We intend to
    work for the good of all OSCE member states to strengthen the Organization’s
    efficiency in addressing new challenges and threats, as well as to further strengthen
    confidence-building and security measures in the Euro-Atlantic community. The
    OSCE Summit could be one of such mechanisms, for which an urgent need has arisen
    after a 10-year break, and we intend to actively work with our partners on its
    organization.
    Ladies and gentlemen,
    In today’s swiftly changing world, the adaptation of the United Nations to
    modern realities is an important task for all member states.
    Kazakhstan supports the reform process for the UN and its main bodies based
    on the principle position of the need to increase the effectiveness, authority and
    relevance for our global organization. We believe that in the modern world there is no
    alternative now and there will never be any for the United Nations. We support the
    reforms in three major directions – the revitalization of the work of the UN General
    Assembly, the reform of the UN Security Council and the improvement of the UN
    system-wide coherence.
    Fifty years ago Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. said: “Men often hate each other
    because they fear each other; they fear each other because they don’t know each other;
    they don’t know each other because they can not communicate; they can not
    communicate because they are separated.” Regrettably, these words are often true even
    today, but they should not be true tomorrow. In the era of globalization and
    unprecedented interdependence in the world, there should be no place for mistrust,
    fear, or hatred, while principles of trust, understanding and cooperation should rein.
    Only by working together can we address with dignity difficult challenges that the
    mankind faces today and make our world safer and better.
    Thank you for your attention.

    Georgia
    H.E. Mr. Mikheil Saakashvili, President

    24 September 2009
    Statement summary

    MIKHEIL SAAKASHVILI, President of Georgia, said the Assembly was meeting on the twentieth anniversary of one of the most successful triumphs of United Nations principles — the fall of the Berlin Wall.  That event had ended an artificial line separating nations, dividing families, strangling freedom and imprisoning millions.  The Wall’s dismantling had done more than free the captive nations of the Warsaw Pact.  It had unleashed the hopes and dreams of millions living under the Soviet Union’s tyranny.  But if the past was honestly evaluated, the present remained bittersweet.  The vision of a whole, free and peaceful Europe was not yet accomplished.

    Like Germany a generation ago, Georgia was today a nation with a deep wound running through it, he said.  A wall had cut off one fifth of Georgia’s territory, mocking the progress made in Berlin 20 years ago.  A year ago, Georgia had been invaded by tanks, warplanes, warships and State-directed hackers.  Hundreds of people had been killed or wounded, while tens of thousands of innocent civilians had been forced to flee in the face of ethnic cleansing that had been well documented by independent human rights organizations.  Those acts of brutality had gone unaddressed in direct contravention of international law, United Nations norms and internationally signed document designed to reverse such wrongs, he said.  “Indeed, those who unleashed war in Georgia said in this very Hall yesterday that they had to do it to implement the principle of indivisibility of security” in order to “step over the legacy of the past era”.

    But the people of Georgia could not and would not accept a new dividing line across their country, nor was it a matter for Georgia alone, he stressed.  It was a threat to the values of the Organization.  Georgia did not expect the wall to disappear overnight.  It understood the need for patience.  History suggested that patience should not be passive, and for a wall to fall, actions must be taken to hasten its demise.  To that end, he thanked the nations that had resisted illegality, pressure and in many cases attempts at bribery, to recognize the Georgian territories now occupied by a foreign force.

    He said the Georgian people had regrouped and were making real process on the path of peace, freedom and individual liberty.  Young children living in refugee camps outside Tbilisi symbolized the path Georgia had taken after the invasion in their unstoppable pursuit of a normal life and education.  The Government was also following through on its promises to strengthen democracy, foster pluralism and expand individual liberties.  Three months of opposition protest had been allowed to proceed unhindered, and opposition parties had been brought into meetings of the national security council.  Commitments had been made to the direct election of mayors in 2010 and new electoral rules were being drafted on a consensus basis for the next local and parliamentary elections.

    Georgia’s biggest imperative was to continue to integrate all different groups into social life, he said.  It was also necessary to create more employment and recover from the economic crisis of the last year.  Georgia had just been named as the eleventh most attractive country for doing business, rising from 122nd place only a few years ago.  Clearly, it had not withered in the face of invasion, nor reduced freedom in the face of recession.  Indeed, it continued to contribute to the common goals established by the international community, even in the face o

  • Maritime Security Weaknesses in the Black Sea

    Maritime Security Weaknesses in the Black Sea

    By: Vladimir Socor

    Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 6 Issue: 171 September 18, 2009 04:34 PM Age: 8 hrs

    The Russian navy cruiser Moskva in Abkhazia, 2008 

     

    Russian naval operations in August 2008 highlighted the security deficit in the Black Sea. As a littoral country, Russia misused the territory of another littoral country, Ukraine, as a staging ground for attacking a third littoral country, Georgia, using its Black Sea Fleet based in Ukrainian territory in Sevastopol (warships from Novorossiysk also participated in the operation). The Russian fleet landed thousands of troops on the Abkhaz coast, attacked Georgian coastal guard vessels, as well as shore targets further south in Georgia, and blockaded Poti. In that port, Russian troops blew up Georgian coastal guard cutters at the pier.

    The Russian fleet’s actions violated Ukraine’s neutrality, which Russia otherwise professes to uphold vis-á-vis NATO. The naval operation also breached the 1997 basing agreements, which rule out any involvement in hostilities by the Russian fleet based in Ukraine.

    According to Russian media accounts from naval sources in the war’s aftermath, the Russian naval group moved slowly from Sevastopol in the direction of Georgia, four or five days before the August 8 assault. Yet, no littoral or non-littoral country or organization reacted at the political level, before or afterward, to Russia’s naval operation.

    In the war’s aftermath, Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko issued a decree requiring the Russian Black Sea Fleet command to provide advanced notification to Ukrainian authorities in each case when its ships and personnel exit and re-enter Ukrainian territory. The decree cites international law and the 1997 basing agreements as the basis for this requirement. Ukraine’s foreign ministry has repeatedly taken up the issue with its Russian government counterparts. Yet the Russian government and naval command have largely ignored it.

    As part of its naval modernization program, Moscow hopes to buy a Mistral-class helicopter carrier from France. Announcing that intention, the Russian Navy’s Commander-in-Chief, Admiral Vladimir Vysotskiy, said: “In the conflict in August last year [against Georgia], a ship like that would have allowed the Black Sea Fleet to accomplish its mission in 40 minutes, not 26 hours which is how long it took us [to land the troops ashore].” The navy also hopes to acquire the license to build three or four Mistral-class ships in Russia. Moscow is preparing an international tender for France, the Netherlands, and Spain – states which also build helicopter carriers of this class- to compete for selling the ship and the technology to Russia (Interfax, September 11, 15).

    According to Vysotskiy, the negotiations are in progress. Moscow apparently expects these NATO countries to enhance Russia’s military capabilities in order to intimidate its neighbors, after the same countries helped block Ukraine’s and Georgia’s membership action plans with the Alliance.

    Moscow has recently introduced adjustments to the command arrangements for its Black Sea Fleet in Ukraine. The fleet shall be subordinated to the Russian North Caucasus Military District (ground forces), headquartered in Rostov-on-the-Don, in the event of “operational missions in the southern and southwestern directions.” Prior to this change, the Russian Fleet in Ukraine was subordinated to the naval command at all times. The change is designed to integrate these naval forces with Russia’s ground forces for operations in the Black Sea region. By the same token this change erodes the provisions of the 1997 Russia-Ukraine agreements that ensure this fleet’s separation from the Russian ground forces and precludes the fleet’s involvement in hostilities (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, September 3; Interfax, September 11).

    Russia openly questions Ukraine’s sovereignty in the Crimea while signaling that it will try to prolong the stationing of its fleet beyond the 2017 deadline. For that deadline to be observed, the fleet would have to begin the process of withdrawal by 2011-2012. However, Moscow is unwilling and international attention is also lacking. Even some leading Ukrainian proponents of the orientation toward NATO believe that the Alliance and the United States lack a strategy for securing Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity, particularly in the case of escalating Russian pressures in the Crimea (Volodymyr Horbulin and Valentyn Badrak, Defense Express [Kyiv], September 11).

    The existing arrangements for confidence-building and security in the Black Sea are proving inadequate to these challenges. The naval confidence-building undertaking BlackSeaFor and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC) are consensus-based groups, unable even to discuss officially, let alone deal with, hard-security challenges such as those relating to the territorial integrity of littoral countries.

    Those groupings and arrangements were not designed to cope with those hard-security challenges; indeed such challenges were not initially anticipated, and went unaddressed after becoming manifest. In terms of naval security, the current situation in the Black Sea amounts to a Russian-Turkish naval condominium, with Turkey probably being the stronger side. The Turkish-led exercise Black Sea Harmony, held periodically with Russia in the southern Black Sea, also has no restraining impact on Russian behavior in the eastern and northern Black Sea.

    https://jamestown.org/program/maritime-security-weaknesses-in-the-black-sea/