The Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) selected Pres. Ilham Aliyev in 2012 for its first “Person of the Year Award [which] recognizes the individual or institution that has done the most to advance organized criminal activity and corruption in the world.”
OCCRP is a worldwide network of investigative journalists that has been exposing for over a decade the appropriation of state funds by Pres. Aliyev’s family and close associates to purchase real estate overseas.
While there are numerous groups that report about Azerbaijan’s jailing of journalists, opposition members and human rights activists, OCCRP is one of the rare groups that has documented the secret acquisitions of valuable real estate in the heart of London by the Aliyev clan. Many of these holdings are hidden behind foreign offshore trusts, making the true owners of the properties difficult to identify.
However, in 2022, the British government adopted new laws that help reveal the owners of some of these properties. In an article titled, “Luxury London Properties Linked to Family of Azerbaijan’s President Are Hidden Behind an Offshore Trust,” OCCRP’s James O’Brien reported this month that the Aliyev family “acquired U.K. real estate worth hundreds of millions of dollars.” The article stated: “newly available data reveals that Aliyev’s daughters own six luxury apartments in London. But the current ownership of 10 [other] properties, acquired by the family for $160 million, remains unknown because they were moved into an offshore trust. Trust structures are currently exempt from public scrutiny.”
OCCRP reported that the Aliyevs own in London “A hotel building near the British Museum. Penthouse apartments just steps away from Hyde Park. A mansion overlooking the green expanse of Hampstead Heath. And much more. In 2021, OCCRP revealed that a nearly $700-million collection of London real estate had been acquired by the family and close associates of Ilham Aliyev, the longtime authoritarian president of Azerbaijan. Having leveraged two decades of unchallenged political power into vast wealth, this elite group had chosen to spend a fortune in one of the financial centers of the democratic world. The properties they purchased were owned by dozens of secretive offshore companies, hiding their ownership from public scrutiny. It was only thanks to the Pandora Papers, a leak of secret offshore documents obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, that reporters were able to link them to the Aliyevs.”
The OCCRP reported that it “teamed up with researchers from Transparency International UK, an anti-corruption advocacy group, to reexamine the 23 London properties our earlier investigation had linked to the Aliyevs.” They found out that “President Aliyev’s daughters, Leyla and Arzu Aliyeva, personally own six luxury apartments just across the street from Hyde Park. But the Register [of Overseas Entities] fails to establish who ultimately owns 10 properties the Aliyevs and their associates had acquired for $160 million: the Hampstead Heath mansion, two townhouses, multiple flats [apartments] and penthouses, and a six-story building in Central London. It only reveals that they are owned by a trust registered in the Isle of Man.”
Aliyev’s office “did not respond to [OCCRP’s] requests for comment, but President Aliyev has previously attributed his wealth to success in business.”
OCCRP reported that on his presidential website in 2021, Pres. Aliyev “acknowledged that he was ‘not a poor man’ when he became president, but said this was due to his business achievements. (The son of Azerbaijan’s first post-independence leader, Aliyev served as a vice-president of Azerbaijan’s state oil company before succeeding his father as president in 2003). ‘Unlike some other people in the West who dedicate all their fortune to their cats and dogs, in Italy and Azerbaijan we value family values,’ he said at the time. ‘Therefore, I transferred all my business to my children.’”
In 2015, OCCRP reported that “Leyla Aliyeva, the Azerbaijani president’s then 29-year-old elder daughter, was one of the directors of the British company that managed the [five-story luxury] building, worth over $33 million.”
Although the trust hides the ownership of 10 high-end London properties, for nine of them, “the Register of Overseas Entities lists the same person as having ‘significant influence or control’ over the offshore companies that own them: Mir Pashayev…a cousin of President Ilham Aliyev’s wife. The 54-year-old-banker is closely linked to the Aliyev family’s business interests. He is a board chairman of Pasha Bank, a major lender owned by the president’s daughters Leyla and Arzu, and deputy chairman of the board of directors of their entire Pasha Holding business conglomerate, which spans interests in banking, insurance, and construction.” OCCRP reported that “in October 2014, he [Pashayev] took over from Leyla Aliyeva the directorship of the company that manages her mansion on Speakers’ Corner [in London].”
Pres. Aliyev’s constant threats to attack Armenia, if Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan does not agree to make concessions, are meant to distract attention away from Aliyev’s violations of human rights and embezzlement of Azerbaijan’s state funds which deprives his citizens of massive amounts of income from the country’s billions of dollars in oil and gas revenues.
My journalist journey extends to more than 25 years, starting from my capital Baghdad, which is the center of my culture and the source of my academic achievement and my beginnings for journalistic work by passing through the capitals of states such as Cairo, Amman, Damascus, Ankara ,Baku, Nicosia and Washington.
During this journalist trip, God enabled and helped me to interview international politics ,thinkers And some presidents of state, ministers and diplomats, Iraqis, Arabs, Turks, Americans and the British.
However, this trip sometimes brought me some troubles from the closed minds and the mercenaries, but my passion for my profession gave me the continuity in the journalistic work.
Among the dozens of television interviews that I conducted and I can’t express and reveal them with a few words, which left inside me a passionate basis for the press and media field, is my distinguished and historical meeting with former Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit in 2004 in his house in the Oran district of the Turkish capital, Ankara.
Bulent Evevit , who was born in 1925 in Istanbul and died in 2006, and his presidency took over the ministers of Turkey for different periods until 2002 .He was not only a political man, but was an author, poet, writer and translator.
He graduated from Robert American College in Istanbul in 1944, where he studied English and literature. During interview ,Bulent Ecevit was speaking Turkish literary language in elegant words and political phrases characterized by depth and Easter, and he was the last press interview in his political life.
Bulent Ecevit was an accomplished politician who played an important role in Turkish and international policy, When he was prime minister in 1974 ,he led the liberation of the Turkish island of Cyprus which was called the Cyprus peace process .. He was also more popular politician, as he described as popular Ecevit due to his sympathy and solidarity with workers and peasants.
The meeting I held with his excellency carries many meanings, and it was a historical document concerning the Turkmen people in Iraq. During the interview Bulent Ecevit mentioned about the number of visits to Iraq and his meeting with former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. He discussed that he met Saddam Hussein three times for a period of three hours at a time, and that was before, during and after the first American attack in the first Gulf war (the eighties and nineties of the last century).
Here, in one of his meetings with Saddam Hussein, Bulent Ecevit revealed the controversial topic, that related to the Turkmen people in Iraq and how Saddam Hussein intensified and raged when he defended and demanded the rights of Turkmen in Iraq.
We will now narrate some of the important dialogue excerpts that took place between me and Mr. Bulent Ecevit , the former Turkish Prime Minister in Ankara, on 2004 on the issue of his defense of the Turkmen rights upon his meeting with former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.
Q/ Mr.Prime Minister … As one of the most prominent politicians in Turkey … You met with former President Saddam Hussein and you discussed with him the conditions of the Turkmen in Iraq, and you defended their rights … Can we return to that date and know the details of that meeting? A/ Of course, I met Saddam Hussein three times for a period The year … Saddam spoke to me about the damage to Iraq and all fields after the first American attack … especially since Iraq had just emerged from a long war with Iran … He also spoke to me about the resistance that the Iraqis showed regarding the American attack and its repercussions on The country … and outside these meetings, I had special visits with my wife to some of the role of our Turkmen brothers … We visited one of the children’s hospitals and we met with the sick children and their mothers and their parents … I saw closely what the Iraqi people suffer from difficult conditions and a cruel economic blockade and other Inherited social and economic problems.
I also noticed how the Iraqis were able, during a short period of time, to achieve an important technological advancement despite the difficult circumstances that we referred to were surrounding them from every side … and I realized at the time that the Iraqi people in general and Turkmen in particular are able to build their homeland and practice democracy if they have the appropriate opportunity for that. .
In one of my previous meetings with Saddam Hussein … I explained to him that the Turkmen were not at any time a problem for the Iraqi regime or the Iraqi governments … and they did not harm anyone, neither against power nor against any other social component … and explained to him It is better to give them their entire legitimate rights … or deal with them in a more flexible way … and explained to him how if the Turkmen rights were given … this step will improve from the image of the regime abroad and that they (Turkmen) will be able to persuade some opposition bodies in Outside of her position and changed her discourse.
And by the surprise (stood) Saddam from his council in a troubled manner … and my friend and my friend stood as well … then Saddam left us and left the hall without uttering one word.
We and the journalist stood up in amazement … Then they entered a group of accompanying and officials and asked us about the reasons for Saddam’s departure from the place so quickly … and we answered them in the negative … and then they also left the place … and then they (the accompanying) returned again and told us Saddam went to pray and will not return again .
I was insisting to say all my words and opinions of Saddam as a matter of political and moral advice, and I believe that these tips would have been in the interest of the Iraqi people first and the same system second … except that it seems as if the regime is not prepared to accept such tips … I was aspiring that The Iraqi people receive their full rights because they are a civilized and authentic people, and I thought that these advice would be in the interest of Iraq and Turkey together.
South Korea Must Broaden Its Diplomatic Horizons Toward Türkiye and the Turkic World ( Below in Korean Language )
In a world increasingly defined by complex geopolitical rivalries and shifting alliances, South Korea must consider diversifying its international partnerships to ensure national security and long-term prosperity. One compelling avenue lies in forging deeper ties with Türkiye and the broader Turkic world, encompassing over 450 million people and rooted in a shared historical, cultural, and strategic legacy. The time has come for South Korea to revisit these connections and embrace a partnership with profound mutual benefits.
Historical Brotherhood: A Foundation of Trust
The bond between South Korea and Türkiye is not a mere diplomatic formality but a deeply ingrained relationship that transcends generations. This connection dates back to antiquity, with alliances between the Göktürks and Goguryeo during periods of conflict and expansion. It was profoundly solidified during the Korean War when Türkiye responded with unparalleled solidarity, dispatching the Turkish Brigade to defend South Korea. The term “Korean-Turkish brotherhood” encapsulates this unique relationship, one often described as “blood brothers.”
Today, this bond resonates deeply within Türkiye. The average age of Turkish veterans of the Korean War is now 89, yet their unwavering sentiment remains: “An attack on South Korea is an attack on Türkiye.” This powerful ethos is echoed by younger generations of Turks who maintain a profound sense of care and connection to their Korean counterparts. Such enduring solidarity underscores an exceptional opportunity for South Korea to reevaluate its partnerships in a rapidly changing world.
Shared Challenges, Shared Opportunities Türkiye and South Korea face strikingly similar challenges, including managing nuanced relations with powerful neighbors such as Russia and China. The Turkic world, united under the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), has emerged as a significant counterweight in the region. Through initiatives in defense, energy, and cultural cooperation, the OTS exemplifies the potential of unified action among nations with shared roots.
South Korea’s engagement with the OTS could yield substantial dividends. The bloc offers an alternative alliance system that complements South Korea’s existing relationships, diversifying its strategic options. By partnering with Türkiye and the broader Turkic world, South Korea can reduce overreliance on relationships that may prioritize narrow interests confined to the Korean Peninsula.
The Turkic World: A Rising Force Türkiye’s initiatives in Central Asia exemplify a strategic vision for strengthening ties within the Turkic world. Recent developments, including collaborations in trade, infrastructure, and cultural exchange, demonstrate the region’s collective commitment to self-reliance and global influence. South Korea stands to benefit immensely by aligning with this vision. Closer ties with Türkiye and the Turkic nations would provide access to new markets, diversified economic partnerships, and enhanced security frameworks—all vital to safeguarding South Korea’s national interests.
Moreover, this realignment would honor the historical bonds that unite these nations. The cultural affinities and shared values between South Korea and the Turkic world provide a strong foundation for collaboration, extending beyond economics to areas such as technology, education, and cultural diplomacy.
A Strategic Imperative South Korea’s current alliances, while significant, are not without limitations. The evolving geopolitical landscape necessitates a broader approach to international relations. Türkiye’s proven loyalty during times of need, coupled with its strategic leadership in the Turkic world and blood brotherhood, offers South Korea a partner that understands the value of mutual support and long-term cooperation as a family.
By strengthening ties with Türkiye and engaging with the OTS, South Korea can position itself as a key player in a diversified alliance network that transcends traditional boundaries. This approach not only aligns with South Korea’s historical blood brotherhood with Türkiye but also recognizes the vast potential of the Turkic world as a partner in navigating the complexities of modern geopolitics.
Conclusion South Korea’s future lies in embracing a broader, more inclusive diplomatic strategy. Partnering with Türkiye becoming a very important world player and regional super power and the Turkic world is not merely a nod to shared history but a pragmatic move toward a diversified and resilient international presence. The world is far larger than the confines of the Korean Peninsula, and South Korea must seize the opportunity to collaborate with its “blood brothers” in Türkiye and the Turkic world. This path promises not only strengthened alliances but also a legacy of mutual respect, security shared prosperity, and enduring solidarity.
점점 복잡해지는 지정학적 경쟁과 변화하는 동맹이 특징인 세계에서, 한국은 국가 안보와 장기적 번영을 보장하기 위해 국제 파트너십을 다양화할 필요가 있습니다. 이를 위한 강력한 방안 중 하나는 튀르키예와 4억 명 이상의 사람들로 이루어진 튀르크 세계와의 관계를 더욱 강화하는 것입니다. 이들 관계는 역사적, 문화적, 전략적 유산에 뿌리를 두고 있으며, 이제 한국은 이러한 연결성을 재조명하고 상호 이익이 깊은 협력 관계를 수용해야 할 때입니다.
역사적 형제애: 신뢰의 기반
한국과 튀르키예 간의 유대는 단순한 외교적 형식이 아니라 세대를 초월한 깊은 관계입니다. 이 관계는 고대까지 거슬러 올라가며, 고구려와 돌궐 간의 동맹으로부터 시작되었습니다. 특히 한국전쟁 당시 튀르키예가 한국을 방어하기 위해 터키 여단을 파병하며 전례 없는 연대를 보여줌으로써 굳건해졌습니다. “한국-튀르키예 형제애”라는 용어는 이러한 특별한 관계를 표현하며, 종종 “혈맹”으로 묘사됩니다.
현재 이 유대는 튀르키예에서 깊은 공감을 불러일으킵니다. 튀르키예 한국전 참전용사들의 평균 연령이 이제 89세임에도 불구하고, 그들의 변함없는 신념은 “한국에 대한 공격은 곧 튀르키예에 대한 공격”이라는 것입니다. 이러한 강력한 정신은 한국 동료들에 대한 깊은 관심과 연결을 유지하고 있는 튀르키예의 젊은 세대들 사이에서도 반영됩니다. 이러한 지속적인 연대는 급변하는 세계에서 한국이 파트너십을 재평가할 수 있는 특별한 기회를 보여줍니다.
공유된 도전 과제와 기회
튀르키예와 한국은 러시아와 중국과 같은 강대국 이웃들과의 복잡한 관계를 관리하는 것을 포함하여 매우 유사한 도전 과제에 직면해 있습니다. 튀르크 세계는 튀르크국가기구(OTS)를 중심으로 지역에서 중요한 균형세력으로 떠오르고 있습니다. 방위, 에너지, 문화 협력 분야에서 OTS가 보여준 통합된 행동의 잠재력은 이들 국가 간의 협력 가능성을 강조합니다.
한국이 OTS와 협력하게 되면 상당한 이점을 얻을 수 있습니다. 이 블록은 한국의 기존 관계를 보완하는 대체적인 동맹 체계를 제공하며, 전략적 옵션을 다양화합니다. 튀르키예와 튀르크 세계와 협력함으로써 한국은 한반도에 국한된 협소한 이익에 의존하는 관계를 줄일 수 있습니다.
떠오르는 힘: 튀르크 세계
중앙아시아에서의 튀르키예의 이니셔티브는 튀르크 세계와의 관계를 강화하기 위한 전략적 비전을 보여줍니다. 최근 무역, 인프라, 문화 교류 분야에서의 협력은 자립과 세계적 영향력에 대한 지역의 집단적 의지를 증명합니다. 한국이 이 비전에 맞추어 협력하면 엄청난 이익을 얻을 수 있습니다. 튀르키예와 튀르크 국가들과의 긴밀한 관계는 새로운 시장에 접근하고, 경제 파트너십을 다양화하며, 한국의 국가 이익을 보호하는 데 중요한 보안 체계를 제공할 것입니다.
또한 이러한 재정렬은 이들 국가를 단결시키는 역사적 유대를 기리는 것이기도 합니다. 한국과 튀르크 세계 간의 문화적 친화성과 공유된 가치는 경제를 넘어 기술, 교육, 문화 외교와 같은 분야로 협력을 확장할 수 있는 강력한 기반을 제공합니다.
전략적 필연성
한국의 현재 동맹은 중요하지만, 한계도 존재합니다. 변화하는 지정학적 환경은 국제 관계에 대한 더 광범위한 접근 방식을 요구합니다. 튀르키예의 입증된 충성심, 튀르크 세계 내에서의 전략적 리더십, 그리고 혈맹으로서의 관계는 한국에게 상호 지원과 가족과 같은 장기적 협력의 가치를 이해하는 파트너를 제공합니다.
튀르키예와의 관계를 강화하고 OTS와 협력함으로써, 한국은 전통적인 경계를 초월한 다양화된 동맹 네트워크의 핵심 플레이어로 자리 잡을 수 있습니다. 이러한 접근 방식은 한국의 튀르키예와의 역사적 혈맹 관계와 일치할 뿐만 아니라 현대 지정학의 복잡성을 헤쳐 나가기 위한 파트너로서 튀르크 세계의 광대한 잠재력을 인식합니다.
결론
한국의 미래는 더 광범위하고 포괄적인 외교 전략을 수용하는 데 달려 있습니다. 세계적이고 지역적 강국으로 떠오르는 튀르키예 및 튀르크 세계와의 파트너십은 단순히 공유된 역사에 대한 존중일 뿐만 아니라 다양화되고 탄력적인 국제적 입지를 위한 실용적인 움직임입니다. 세계는 한반도의 경계를 훨씬 넘어서 있으며, 한국은 튀르키예와 튀르크 세계의 “혈맹”과 협력할 기회를 포착해야 합니다. 이러한 길은 강력한 동맹, 상호 존중, 안전, 공동 번영, 지속적인 연대의 유산을 약속합니다.
The most influential media organizations in the world between March 2011-2021.
Today, there is almost a consensus among most thinkers and political theorists around the world that:: The media in its various forms and patterns represents the most powerful strategic weapon possessed by major countries or even medium-developed countries..
And when we say media, we mean:: written, audio, visual and electronic media.. And electronic media, as is known, is represented by various means of communication and social media such as Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, TikTok, Instagram and others. .. Since the emergence of the theories of: globalization and Americanization or the small village or the era of “infomedia… open media” and specifically since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, followed by the disintegration and fragmentation of the Soviet Union and the rest of the communist bloc in the world and with it the disintegration of the “Warsaw Pact” military in the years 1990 ~ 1991, we say after all that important theories and major studies have emerged about the role of the media:: in controlling the opinions, desires and inclinations of all the peoples of the earth from east to west;; and from north to south;; With new media philosophies and theories, the vast majority of which fall under what is called ((capitalism / liberalism)), the theories emerged: Samuel Hemington in (The Clash of Civilizations), Francis Fukuyama in (The End of History), Henry Kissinger in (The Last American Empire), Zbigniew Brzezinski in ((The Propaganda Depth of the Capitalist World)) and many others that there is no room here to discuss in detail. Media schools and philosophies have become more efficient, mature and capable of controlling the opinions and tendencies of all the peoples of the earth; and more capable even of controlling global markets and stock exchanges. And the entire media has become ((an advanced specialized industry called the modern media industry))
** On 17 ~ 5 ~ 2021, the International Media Organization published;; It is one of the important institutions associated with the United Nations. An important and detailed study on the five most important institutions and media outlets that had a significant impact on political, economic, financial, cultural and social events in the world as a whole over a full ten years, specifically for the period from March 2011 to March 2021. These five institutions are:
1~ The British Broadcasting Corporation BBC.. It is a British institution headquartered in London / England.
It was founded in 1923.
It has three icons: BBC in English.. and BBC in Arabic.. as radio stations.. with a satellite station with the same name BBC.. Many consider it one of the most neutral, reliable and solid media outlets; and its various activities are followed by more than 2 billion people around the world from different races, nationalities and continents.
2~ The American CNN channel; headquartered in Washington, USA. It was founded in New York City, USA, on 4/13/1979 by the famous billionaire “Robert Murdoch”, who is Jewish in religion and nationality; and many researchers and those interested in media and propaganda consider it one of the most important and dangerous satellite channels in the world; as some accuse it of having dangerous and secret relations with many Zionist and Masonic organizations around the world; and the latest reliable statistics about it indicate that there are approximately one and a half billion people around the world who follow its curricula and news around the clock.
3~ Fox News is an American satellite channel; its headquarters are in the American capital, Washington; it was founded in 1995 by American businessman Robert Maxwell and other shareholders. Many consider it to represent the American Democratic Party; while others consider it to be the official spokesperson and close to all liberal movements around the world. It has two main sections; the first is English-speaking; and the second is French-speaking. The latest statistics and studies about it indicate that the number of its followers is close to one billion people around the planet, representing the five continents of the world.
4~ The Chinese News Agency (Xinhua) is the official Chinese agency allowed to operate within Chinese geography; it was established in late June 1933 with a news/guidance orientation only; but after 1973 and after the Chinese Communist Party tightened its complete control over all parts of China under the leadership of “Mao Zedong”, the entire agency turned into the media and propaganda wing of the ruling Chinese Communist Party since that date until today; and it broadcasts its programs exclusively in the local Chinese language; and the number of its employees is approximately 3965 employees, technicians and consultants; and its headquarters is in the Chinese capital, Beijing itself; and the latest studies and research on it indicate that the number of its followers ranges between one billion and one and a half billion people. The vast majority of them are from the Chinese people themselves; and it has no clear influence outside the official international borders of China.
5~ Al Jazeera Qatari Channel; It was initially established in the British capital London on 1~11~ 1996.. And after only four months of its work, it moved to the Qatari capital Doha; and huge sums of money were allocated to it, close to 2 billion dollars;; and Al Jazeera Qatari Channel broadcasts in three sections: the Arabic section, headquartered in Doha; the English section, headquartered in England; and the French section, headquartered in Paris.
The number of its employees and experts is approximately 1955 employees and affiliates in its three sections.. Al Jazeera Channel adopts a very mature and efficient media philosophy that combines moderate political Islam with limited disciplined freedoms. The latest studies and solid research on it indicate that the number of its followers ranges between 570 and 600 million people in the entire world;; It is also accused of being the official spokesperson for the international organization of the Muslim Brotherhood movement.
Thus, we have provided a brief description of the five most important media institutions around the world, with reference to the role of contemporary media in influencing the trends and opinions of most people in the world as a whole.
For many years up until the Syrian civil war of 2011, Syria and Turkey enjoyed very close relations. In a series of reciprocal visits, Pres. Bashar al-Assad made a historic trip to Ankara in 2004, the first Syrian President to do so. Then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Damascus to sign a free trade agreement. In 2007, Erdogan and Assad attended the opening ceremony of the Aleppo International Stadium. Trade flourished with visa-free travel. In 2008, Erdogan and his wife hosted the Syrian first couple for a vacation in the Turkish Resort town of Bodrum. In 2009, the two countries held joint military maneuvers along their mutual border. I was told that Pres. Assad, to appease his ‘Turkish ally’, even banned Armenian Genocide books from bookstores in Syria.
In 2008, during this period of a cozy relationship between the two countries, the Catholicos of Cilicia Aram I met in Damascus with Pres. Assad. The Catholicos informed me later that Pres. Assad told him Armenians were making a big mistake by being anti-Turkey and constantly talking about the Armenian Genocide. Assad said that Armenians should forget the past and establish good relations with Turkey, which he described as a powerful and important country. He suggested that Armenia’s economy would benefit greatly from trading with Turkey.
As the descendant of the survivors of the Armenian Genocide and a life-long activist for justice to the victims of that mass crime, I was very upset to hear Pres. Assad’s terrible advice to Aram I. Keeping that conversation in mind, when I had a chance to travel to Damascus in early June 2009, I asked a mutual Armenian friend who was close to Pres. Assad to arrange a meeting for me with the President.
After I arrived in Damascus, my friend called the Presidential Palace to confirm the meeting. The President’s Chief of Staff told my friend to come to the Palace alone in order to talk about the requested appointment. An hour later, my friend returned from the Palace and told me in a dejected voice that the meeting will not take place because the Chief of Staff had checked my name in google search and discovered that I had written hundreds of critical articles about Turkey and the Armenian Genocide. Therefore, he told my friend that it would not be possible for an anti-Turkey man like me to meet with Pres. Assad because of the friendly relations between Syria and Turkey.
Naturally, I was very disappointed. The reason I wanted to meet with Pres. Assad was to tell him that not only his advice to Armenians was wrong, but he himself was making a big mistake by trusting Pres. Erdogan. I wanted to tell Pres. Assad that Armenians know all too well the deceptive nature of Turkish leaders given the genocide Armenians had suffered. I wanted to warn Pres. Assad that the day would come when his ‘good friend’ Erdogan, will betray him and stab him in the back.
I could not have known in 2009 that two years later a major civil war would take place in Syria with the full backing of Erdogan. I was not sure that even if I had the chance to meet with Pres. Assad and warned him, he would have listened to me. But regardless, I wanted to give him a piece of my mind.
I subsequently heard that Pres. Assad had also told other Armenians he had met with that they should be friends with Turks and Turkey. Assad particularly criticized Armenians for burning the Turkish flag on April 24.
Subsequent to my visit to Damascus, Pres. Assad visited Armenia on June 17-18, 2009 and offered to Pres. Serzh Sargsyan to mediate between Armenia and Turkey, because of Syria’s “close relationships” with both countries. However, Pres. Assad did not pay a protocol visit to the Armenian Genocide Memorial in Yerevan which all foreign leaders do, to lay a wreath. This was yet another example of Pres. Assad’s excessive sensitivity not to upset Turkey. Assad also explained that, in deference to Turkey, Syria cannot recognize the Armenian Genocide.
In a Facebook post last week, Samvel Farmanyan, a former Member of Parliament and Press Secretary to Pres. Sargsyan in 2009, reported that when Pres. Assad excitedly spoke about his ‘excellent relations’ with Erdogan, Pres. Sargsyan replied: “You don’t know Turks well. The time will come and we will judge by the result.” This is similar to the message I wanted to convey to Pres. Assad in Damascus.
More interestingly, in March 2014, following several years of attacks on Syria orchestrated by Turkey, when Farmanyan led a parliamentary delegation to Syria and met with Pres. Assad, he asked Farmanyan to transmit to Pres. Sargsyan the following message: “I remember very well our private conversation in Yerevan [with Pres. Sargsyan].” Assad then added: “President Sargsyan was right. We did not know Turks well.”
Naira Karapetyan, another member of the Parliamentary delegation that went to Syria in 2014, confirmed the accuracy of Farmanyan’s report about Pres. Assad acknowledging that he was wrong to have trusted Erdogan.
Of course, it was too late by 2014 for Pres. Assad to realize that he should not have trusted Erdogan. That big mistake was one of the key reasons for his eventual downfall.
Yalman Haceroglu interviews the head of the Syrian Interim Government affiliated with the Syrian National Coalition: The next stage requires a comprehensive national dialogue… and no sectarian quotas in Syria.
Any new authority must start from the Geneva Statement of 2012 and UN dicession 2254 of 2015
We aspire to form a technocratic government capable of building the state and meeting the needs of the people, far from any sectarian or national considerations
Turkmen factions have played a prominent role since the beginning of the Syrian revolution in confronting the regime and fighting terrorism, including confronting the “PKK” and “PYD” organizations
We seek for Syrian relations with regional countries to be based on mutual respect and non-interference in internal affairs
The new Syria will seek to build strategic partnerships and benefit from its geographical location to enhance its role in trade, energy and transportation
The comprehensive role between receiving refugees and military, humanitarian and development efforts highlights Turkey’s steadfast commitment to the Syrian people
We count on continued Turkish support to achieve political transition and democratic transformation in Syria, in a way that guarantees the security and stability that the Syrian people deserve.
Interview conducted by: Yalman Haceroğlu
The armed factions of the Syrian opposition were able, during military operations, and within a few days, to The removal of the Assad regime and the curtain falling on the Syrian political scene that lasted for more than five decades. Here, many questions arise regarding the future of stability in Syria.
1-Does the easy fall of the regime mean that the forces that seized power will have an easy task in achieving stability in Syria?
How will the future political equation be written and what will be the participation of different ethnicities, nationalities and sects in the political process.
We pose these questions and others to the head of the Syrian Interim Government of the Syrian National Coalition, Mr. Abdul Rahman Mustafa.
2-How do you view the future political process in Syria?
The future political process in Syria is a crucial axis for achieving sustainable stability and rebuilding the state on the foundations of democracy and social justice. With the fall of the Assad regime, it has become necessary for any authority that assumes the management of the country’s affairs to work to implement the spirit of international legitimacy resolutions, especially the Geneva Communiqué of 2012 and UN Resolution 2254 of 2015. This is represented by establishing a transitional government capable of managing the transitional phase and ensuring the transfer of power to the people in a peaceful and democratic manner.
The next stage requires launching a comprehensive national dialogue that brings together all components of Syrian society, without exception or discrimination, and includes political, societal and civil parties. This dialogue must be supported by a sincere will to build trust between all parties and develop a clear vision for the future.
Through this dialogue, a transitional government can be formed that expresses the aspirations of all Syrians, works to achieve justice, and rebuilds state institutions in a manner that serves the national interest.
In this context, transitional justice is considered an essential element to address the effects of conflict and hold accountable those responsible for human rights violations, while working to redress the harm suffered by victims and ensuring national reconciliation.
3-As the head of the Syrian Interim Government, what are the political foundations that will be followed in Syria to write the political equation through a government that includes different ethnicities and nationalities in Syria?
We look forward to a transitional period of rule, which is an essential step to start comprehensive reform of various sectors, including the military, political, legal, economic and social sectors. This should be done with the effective participation of different ethnicities, nationalities and sects to ensure fair and comprehensive representation that enhances national unity and establishes the principles of democracy and human rights.
Achieving stability in Syria requires a serious commitment from all parties to the political process based on international legitimacy decisions, in addition to building strong institutions in which human rights are respected and in which all Syrians participate on an equal footing. The ultimate goal must be to build a state of law and democracy that allows every individual the opportunity to live in dignity and justice. This commitment is the basis through which we can overcome the painful effects of the past and move forward towards a bright future for Syria and its people.
4-Do you think, Mr. President, that the next government will be a quota government like what happened in Iraq, and how can we compare the scenes in Iraq and Syria? Many questions are being raised about the nature of the next government in Syria, and whether it will face the fate of governments based on sectarian quotas as is the case in Iraq.
In this context, he explained that the ambition in the new Syria is directed towards forming a technocratic government that represents all Syrians and is capable of building the state and meeting the needs of the people away from any sectarian or national considerations. The main goal is to establish a national unity government that works to remove the fears of Syrians and enhance their sense of equal citizenship.
Despite the great diversity that characterizes Syrian society, which includes different ethnicities and sects, the future vision seeks to elevate the status of citizenship as the basis for building the state, so that belonging to the homeland is above any other affiliation.
We seek to avoid the sectarian quota model that has proven in many countries that it can lead to internal divisions and conflicts instead of achieving stability.
The Syrian vision is to benefit from the lessons learned from regional experiences, with a focus on building a political system based on efficiency, justice and equality, far from any quotas that harm the national fabric. The challenges in Syria also require adopting a unified approach that works to build strong institutions capable of serving all Syrians without discrimination, ensuring national unity and sustainable development.
5-Will elements of the Syrian armed factions, including the Turkmen armed factions, participate in the political process?
The participation of the Syrian armed factions, including the Turkmen factions, in the future political process is vital to rebuilding Syria on democratic and inclusive foundations.
It is necessary to integrate these factions into a comprehensive national dialogue aimed at establishing a unified national military institution that goes beyond the mistakes of the past and is subject to civilian authority, while respecting human rights and refraining from interfering in political affairs.
Turkmen factions have played a prominent role since the beginning of the Syrian revolution in confronting the regime and fighting terrorism, including confronting organizations such as the PKK, PYD. Their continuation in these efforts reinforces the importance of involving them in the transitional phase to ensure the representation of all components of Syrian society and achieve the desired stability.
Involving these factions in the political process will contribute to building a national army that reflects the diversity of Syrian society, and will strengthen civil-military relations on sound foundations, thus preventing the recurrence of previous painful experiences. This approach is in line with the aspirations of the Syrian people to build a democratic state that respects human rights and ensures the participation of all spectrums in decision-making.
6-Mr. President, during your political work, you were the head of the Turkmen Council in Syria. First, how do you evaluate the Turkmen political activity in Syria?
The Turkmen are considered an integral part of the Syrian fabric and a fundamental component of the Syrian people, whose diversity extends across different ethnicities and sects. They have had a prominent and influential role since the start of the revolution for freedom and dignity, as they stood by their brothers from various components of Syrian society, making great sacrifices in order to achieve the aspirations of the Syrian people towards freedom and justice.
On the political level, the Turkmen Council and the Turkmen played an effective role in supporting the revolution, whether through political forums or through community and media activities. During my presidency of the Council, I was able to present the Turkmen voice in international conferences and forums, which contributed to clarifying the position of this component and its vital role in the Syrian revolution.
The Turkmen political activity is characterized by a strong will to work within the comprehensive national framework, with a constant emphasis on the principle of national partnership based on equality and respect for the rights of all. The Turkmen were not only supporters of the revolution, but they were an essential part of the political movement calling for the unity of Syrian lands and the building of a civil, democratic state that accommodates all its people without discrimination. In our assessment of the Turkmen political activity, we find that it succeeded in preserving its Syrian national identity, while at the same time working to enhance cooperation with other groups to achieve a common vision for the future of Syria. These efforts reflect an advanced political awareness and a firm belief that the solution in Syria requires unifying ranks and working together to achieve the aspirations of the Syrian people in all their groups.
7-Can we talk about the participation of the Turkmen people in Syria in the upcoming political process? The Turkmen people have proven during the Syrian revolution that they are a fundamental and effective component, with a strong will to contribute to building the future of Syria. Their participation was not only in the military or societal field, but was also evident in their participation in the political movement and their pursuit of achieving the aspirations of the Syrians for freedom and justice.
The Turkmen were marginalized during the era of the defunct regime, like many components of Syrian society, but their participation in the revolution has re-shed light on their national role and active presence.
This historical marginalization must be addressed by ensuring their fair and effective participation in the transitional phase and in the future political process, to ensure the representation of all spectrums and achieve the balance required to build a democratic state.
We emphasize that building modern Syria requires a true national partnership that includes all components of society without exception, including the Turkmen. This partnership is the basis for strengthening national unity and consolidating the principles of citizenship, where every individual and component has a role in shaping the future of the country, regardless of race or sect.
The Turkmen, through their history, sacrifices and participation in the revolution, have proven that they are an essential part of the project to build a modern state that reflects the aspirations of the Syrian people in all their diversity. This next stage will be an opportunity to achieve justice and equality, and to ensure that the Turkmen and all components have a voice and an effective position in political and administrative decision-making.
8-How do you read the Syrian political scene in terms of Syria’s relationship with regional countries?
The current Syrian political scene in terms of relations with regional countries is going through a sensitive and complex phase as a result of years of conflict and foreign interventions. With the fall of the regime, Syria has a new opportunity to reformulate its relations with its regional surroundings on completely different foundations, based on the principles of good neighborliness, joint cooperation, and building strategic partnerships that serve mutual interests.
We seek for Syrian relations with regional countries to be based on mutual respect and non-interference in internal affairs, with a focus on enhancing cooperation in the political, economic, and security fields. The new Syria, after all the tragedies it has gone through, must be a source of stability and peace in the region, and seek to build bridges of trust with all neighboring countries in a way that enhances regional security.
The relationship with regional countries will depend to a large extent on our ability to rebuild the Syrian state as a unified and stable entity that works to achieve the interests of its people, while at the same time respecting international agreements and working to enhance regional peace. We seek to transform Syria into a positive partner in the region, capable of contributing to resolving regional issues and enhancing stability rather than being an arena for conflicts.
In this context, it is imperative to emphasize the importance of cooperation with friendly regional countries to rebuild, strengthen the economy, coordinate to combat terrorism, and ensure the safe and dignified return of refugees. These efforts will be the basis for building solid and sustainable regional relations that will make Syria an effective and positive country in its surroundings.
9-If we draw the international political map, where will you find Syria’s position on this map?
Syria is a country with a geostrategic position and a long history, and has always been an important axis in the region and the world. However, the former regime weakened its position by transforming it into an authoritarian state that serves its narrow interests. We aspire to restore Syria to its natural role as an effective state in the international community, built on the foundations of democracy and justice, contributing to regional and international stability and peace.
The new Syria will seek to build strategic partnerships and take advantage of its geographical location to enhance its role in trade, energy, and transportation. Our goal is for Syria to be a model for a modern state that respects human rights, achieves the interests of its people, and restores its role as a source of stability and communication between the East and the West.
10-How do you view the Turkish government’s support for the Syrian people, which has sheltered millions of Syrians and those fleeing the brutality of the Assad regime, as well as the Turkish government’s political support for establishing stability in Syria?
It is impossible to talk about the Turkish role in supporting the Syrian people without referring to the great efforts made by the Republic of Turkey in various fields. It played a pivotal role in defeating terrorism and confronting terrorist organizations such as ISIS and PKK, PYD, as it provided significant military support to the Syrian National Army and the intelligent blood of the Turkish martyrs mixed with the blood of the martyrs of the National Army, who sacrificed side by side to liberate Syrian lands from terrorism and restore security to its people, which reflects the depth of brotherhood and solidarity between the Syrian and Turkish peoples.
In addition to its military efforts, Turkey opened its doors to receive millions of Syrian refugees who fled the brutality of the Assad regime and the horrors of war, and provided them with shelter and care, affirming its humanitarian and moral commitment to the Syrian people. Turkey also contributed significantly to building institutions in the liberated areas, which helped restore life to normal. These efforts included establishing schools to provide education for children, building hospitals to provide health care, and developing basic infrastructure to support the local population.
In addition, Turkey supported the Syrians in international forums, defending their legitimate demands before the world, and working to strengthen local governance and provide stability in liberated areas through development and administrative programs aimed at enabling Syrians to manage their own affairs.
This comprehensive role that combines receiving refugees, military, humanitarian, and development efforts highlights Turkey’s steadfast commitment to the Syrian people. We count on this support to continue to achieve political transition and democratic transformation in Syria, ensuring the security and stability that the Syrian people deserve.
