Linda G. Mills – President of New York University
70 Washington Square South
New York, NY 10012
Dear Ms. Mills,
I extend warm greetings to you. Hope you are in good health.
My letter is sent to you because of Alon Ben-Meir’s International Relations and Middle Eastern Studies at New York University’s Center for Global Affairs (CGA): recent article, “The Turkish Kurds: Erdoğan’s Folly On Full Display” (Jan. 20, 2026), is not a critique it is narrative engineering presented as human rights analysis. It attempts to reframe one of the most complex security dossiers in the Middle East into an indictment of one political figure while whitewashing the central role of the PKK, a Marxist-Leninist terrorist organization designated by the United States, the European Union, and NATO. The result is not scholarship it is propaganda by omission.
First, vocabulary matters. The country Ben-Meir refers to casually as “Turkey” is formally the Republic of Türkiye, a sovereign state whose diplomatic identity is not optional for commentators to ignore.
Second, Ben-Meir’s core premise collapses immediately: equating the Kurdish population with the PKK is both analytically false and morally reckless. The Republic of Türkiye has more than 15 million Kurdish citizens who serve as MPs, ministers, governors, judges, and diplomats. If Türkiye were waging a war against Kurds, it would not have sheltered half a million Iraqi Kurds fleeing Saddam Hussein in 1991 nor hosted millions of Syrian refugees including tens of thousands of Syrian Kurds since 2012.
The omission of Kurdish plurality is astonishing. Nechirvan Barzani, President of the Kurdistan Regional Government, has called the PKK a “headache” and demanded their expulsion from Iraqi Kurdish territory. Abdullah Keddo of the Syrian Kurdish National Council warned that PKK-linked groups must be expelled from Syrian Kurdish-majority areas. Kurdish rejection of PKK authoritarianism is not peripheral it is central.
Ben-Meir’s romanticization of PKK “disarmament” theatrics ignores the organization’s criminal portfolio. Interpol, FATF, and UN agencies have documented PKK-linked narcotics trafficking, forced conscription, human smuggling, extortion, and arms networks across Europe and the Middle East. No sovereign state including Israel would tolerate an armed separatist formation on its territory funded through transnational organized crime. The claim that the PKK has “fulfilled all measures” and now innocently awaits Turkish reciprocation is historical revisionism. When the 2013–2015 peace process collapsed, it was the PKK that unilaterally broke the ceasefire, declared “autonomous zones,” dug urban trenches, and launched insurgencies from Cizre to Sur. No Western state would allow an armed non-state actor to carve municipal fiefdoms on its soil under the banner of cultural rights.
Ben-Meir also omits the U.S. role in muddying the conflict. Under the cover of counter-ISIS operations, Washington armed the PKK’s Syrian affiliates YPG/PYD, rebranding them as the “SDF.” Senior American officials have since admitted the obvious. Secretary of State Antony Blinken called the PKK an “enduring threat” to Türkiye. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin acknowledged the SDF’s structural ties to the PKK. Former Ambassador James Jeffrey stated openly that the SDF poses a real national security problem for Türkiye. Even President Donald Trump no friend of diplomatic euphemism said: “Kurds are not angels. The PKK, which is a part of the Kurds, as you know, is probably worse at terror and more of a terrorist threat in many ways than ISIS.” That is not a Turkish talking point it is an American presidential assessment. Meanwhile, the regional context Ben-Meir ignores is transformative. Since January 2026, Syria’s government under President Ahmad al-Sharaa has granted Kurds full citizenship, legalized Kurdish-language education, recognized Newroz as a national holiday, and enacted anti-discrimination laws. This undermines the PKK’s separatist thesis and removes the humanitarian alibi Western commentators lean on. Ben-Meir simply deletes this from the narrative.
Finally, the assertion that President Erdoğan “refuses to recognize Kurdish identity” is refuted by empirical outcomes: Kurdish broadcasting, Kurdish university departments, elective Kurdish-language public school courses, Kurdish municipal governance, and parliamentary representation all predate any PKK disarmament theatrics.
Türkiye’s democratic evolution is imperfect so are Israel’s, America’s, and Europe’s. But reducing forty years of terrorism, geopolitics, NATO tensions, foreign intervention, Kurdish pluralism, and constitutional politics into a morality play of “Erdoğan vs. the Kurds” is not analysis. It is a smear campaign packaged for Western consumption especially to our fellow Americans who don’t even know where the District of Columbia is.
Ibrahim Kurtulus
Community Activist
Cc:
Evan R. Chesler, Esq. — Chair of the Board of Trustees
Jennifer Trahan Clinical Professor, Center for Global Affairs
Mary Beth E. Altier Clinical Professor, Center for Global Affairs
Sylvia G. Maier Academic Director & Clinical Professor, Center for Global Affairs
Thomas E. Hill Clinical Professor, Center for Global Affairs
Carolyn Kissane Associate Dean & Clinical Professor, Center for Global Affairs
Sylvia Maier – Academic Director & Clinical Professor
Christopher Ankersen – Academic Director (Global Security, Conflict & Cybercrime)
Tana OsaYande – Associate Director