Author: Aylin D. Miller

  • Iraqi Kurds Out-Lobby Iraqi Arabs In Washington

    Iraqi Kurds Out-Lobby Iraqi Arabs In Washington

    This week, we learned that the White House knew about last year’s deal between Texas-based Hunt Oil and the Kurdish Regional Government.

    Apparently the threat it posed to the fragile negotiations in Baghdad didn’t concern the president as much as he suggested in public.

    The Kurds have made a lot of friends in Washington during the past few years — especially among Republicans.

    It’s a relationship that’s bolstered by aggressive lobbying by the Kurds. The Kurdish Regional Government has 11 active contracts with U.S. lawyers and lobbyists, according to the State Department’s database maintained under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. The Kurds have been shelling out far more money on K Street than any other group or government in Iraq.

    A key ally for the Kurds is the firm Barbour Griffith Rogers, the lobbying shop founded by Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour, formerly head of the Republican National Committee. BGR receives $700,000 a year from the Kurdish Regional Government. Their agreement says the firm will “arrange meetings” with U.S. media and government officials.

    The firm has a separate agreement with the Kurdistan Democratic Party for a $262,500 annual fee, according to the FARA database.

    The Kurdish Regional Government also has a deal with the Republican-linked firm Russo, March and Rogers for running a “media campaign” and a “public relations campaign.”

    The Washington Post last year also noted the Kurds efforts to reach out to evangelical Christians.

    In the past year, the Kurds have spent more than $3 million to retain lobbyists and set up a diplomatic office in Washington. They are cultivating grass-roots advocates among supporters of President Bush’s war policy and evangelicals who believe that many key figures in the Bible lived in Kurdistan. And they are seeking to build an emotional bond with ordinary Americans, like those forged by Israel and Taiwan, by running commercials on national cable news channels to assert that even as Iraq teeters toward a full-blown civil war, one corner of the country, at least, has fulfilled the Bush administration’s ambition of a peaceful, democratic, pro-Western beachhead in the Middle East.

    The Kurds are probably watching this year’s campaign very closely.
    Source:
  • Board Members Resign to Protest Chair’s Ousting

    Board Members Resign to Protest Chair’s Ousting

    Leader in Georgetown-Based Agency Encouraged Scholars to Research Mass Killing of Armenians

    By Susan Kinzie
    Washington Post Staff Writer
    Saturday, July 5, 2008; B05
     

    The issue that has roiled U.S.-Turkish relations in recent months — how to characterize the mass killing of Armenians in 1915 — has set off a dispute over politics and academic freedom at an institute housed at Georgetown University.

    Several board members of the Institute of Turkish Studies have resigned this summer, protesting the ouster of a board chairman who wrote that scholars should research, rather than avoid, what he characterized as an Armenian genocide.

    Within weeks of writing about the matter in late 2006, Binghamton University professor Donald Quataert resigned from the board of governors, saying the Turkish ambassador to the United States told him he had angered some political leaders in Ankara and that they had threatened to revoke the institute’s funding.

    After a prominent association of Middle Eastern scholars learned about it, they wrote a letter in May to the institute, the Turkish prime minister and other leaders asking that Quataert be reinstated and money for the institute be put in an irrevocable trust to avoid political influence.

    The ambassador of the Republic of Turkey, H.E. Nabi Sensoy, denied that he had any role in Quataert’s resignation. In a written statement, he said that claims that he urged Quataert to leave are unfounded and misleading.

    The dispute shows the tensions between money and scholarship, and the impact language can have on historical understanding.

    Hundreds of thousands of Armenians were killed when the Ottoman Empire collapsed after World War I. Armenians and Turks bitterly disagree over whether it was a campaign of genocide, or a civil war in which many Turks were also killed.

    In the fall, when Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) championed a bill that would characterize the events of 1915 to 1917 as genocide, the Bush administration fought it and several former defense secretaries warned that Turkish leaders would limit U.S. access to a military base needed for the war in Iraq.

    The Turkish studies institute, founded in 1983, is independent from Georgetown University, but Executive Director David Cuthell teaches a course there in exchange for space on campus.

    Julie Green Bataille, a university spokeswoman, wrote in an e-mail, “we will review this matter consistent with the importance of academic freedom and the fact that the institute is independently funded and governed.”

    The institute’s funding, a $3 million grant, is entirely from Turkey.

    A few years ago, Quataert said, members of the board checked on what they thought was an irrevocable blind trust “and to our surprise it turned out to be a gift that could be revoked by the Turkish government.”

    Quataert, a professor of history, said the institute has funded good scholarship without political influence. The selection of which studies to support is done by a committee of academics on the associate board, he said, and approved by the board, which includes business and political leaders. Never once, he said, did he think a grant application was judged on anything other than its academic merits.

    He also noted that during his time there, no one applied for grants that would have been controversial in Turkey. Asked if any of the research characterized the events as genocide, Cuthell said, “My gut is no. It’s that third rail.”

    Roger Smith, professor emeritus of government at the College of William and Mary, questioned whether the nonprofit institute deserves its tax-exempt status if there is political influence — and whether it is an undeclared lobbying arm for the Turkish government.

    Cuthell said none of the institute’s critics ever bothered to check the truth of Quataert’s account with the institute: It does not lobby, Cuthell said, and “the allegations of academic freedom simply don’t hold up.”

    The controversy began quietly in late 2006 with a review of historian Donald Bloxham’s book, “The Great Game of Genocide.” Quataert wrote that the slaughter of Armenians has been the elephant in the room of Ottoman studies. Despite his belief that the term “genocide” had become a distraction, he said the events met the United Nations definition of the word.

    He sent a letter of resignation to members of the institute in December 2006, and one board member resigned.

    But in the fall, around the same time that Congress was debating the Armenian question, Quataert was asked to speak at a conference about what had happened at the institute. He told members of the Middle Eastern Studies Association that the ambassador told him he must issue a retraction of his book review or step down — or put funding for the institute in jeopardy.

    His colleagues were shocked, said Laurie Brand, director of the school of international relations at the University of Southern California.

    Ambassador Sensoy, who is honorary chairman of the institute’s board, said in a statement this week, “Neither the Turkish Government nor I have ever placed any pressure upon the ITS, for such interference would have violated the principle of the academic freedom, which we uphold the most. The Turkish Government and I will be the first to defend ITS from any such pressure.”

    Since the May 27 letter from the scholars association was sent, several associate and full members of the board have left. Marcie Patton, Resat Kasaba and Kemal Silay resigned; Fatma Muge Gocek said she would resign, and Birol Yesilada said his primary reason for stepping down at this time is his health, but that he is concerned about the conflicting accounts of what had happened. “It’s a very difficult line that scholars walk,” Patton said, “especially post-9/11, especially because of the Iraq war.”

  • ADL Leaders Discuss Israel-Turkey Relations with Top Government Officials in Ankara

    ADL Leaders Discuss Israel-Turkey Relations with Top Government Officials in Ankara

    Press Release  

    Jerusalem, July 7, 2008 … In a series of meetings in Ankara, top Turkish government officials and leaders of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) discussed a variety of issues, including Turkey’s efforts to facilitate peace talks between Israel and Syria, the close relationship between Turkey and Israel, and strengthening relations between the United States and Turkey in an effort to combat terrorism and extremism in the region.

    In Turkey, Glen S. Lewy, ADL National Chair and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director met with President Abdullah Gul, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, main opposition Republican People’s Party leader Deniz Baykal and Deputy Chief of Staff Gen. Ergin Saygun.

    They also met with the foreign minister, minister of justice, interior minister and education minister, as well as members of parliament and the U.S. and Israeli ambassadors to Ankara.

    Currently in Israel with delegation of senior ADL leaders, Mr. Lewy and Mr. Foxman said: “We applaud Turkey for its efforts to facilitate peace talks between Israel and Syria and for maintaining a close relationship with Israel across the board.

    “We appreciate Turkey’s role in communicating to Iran the seriousness with which the West views its future possible nuclear capability. In our meetings, we also expressed appreciation of the embrace and support of the Jewish community and the frequent public condemnation of anti-Semitism by President Gul, both in Turkey and abroad. We also discussed the close U.S.-Turkey relationship, especially in the effort to combat terrorism and extremism in the region.”

    Regarding the Armenian issue, ADL urged Turkish officials to resolve the matter in a proactive way between the government of Armenia and the government of Turkey and to deal with alleviating the needs of today’s Armenians as part of an effort to resolve the historic affair”

    “My advice is that Turkey be creative and proactive in strengthening the relationship with Armenia as a way to deal with the issue,” said Mr. Foxman. “That will bring about a coming together of history. I suggested finding ways to work together that will help change the atmosphere, because we have a concern today for the well-being of Armenia. Armenia and Turkey need to solve this, not in a political forum such as Congress or parliaments.”

    In Istanbul, the delegation met with Turkey’s chief rabbi, Jewish community leaders, and the mayor before departing for Israel.

    Source:

    Cartoon In Lebanese Paper: Second Round Of [Turkey-Mediated Syria-Israel] Indirect Talks

     

    Cartoonist: Hassan Bleibel

    Source: Al-Mustaqbal, Lebanon, July 2, 2008

    Source:

  • Turkey crisis: Hopes of democracy are hanging in the balance

    Turkey crisis: Hopes of democracy are hanging in the balance

    • Sunday July 6, 2008
    • Article history

    It is too soon to know how the battle between the AKP and the secular establishment will play itself out, but, while we wait, spare a thought for Turkey’s beleaguered democrats.

    They include the scholars who have questioned the very foundations of official history, the lawyers who have challenged its infamous penal code, the writers, journalists, translators and publishers who have refused to be intimidated by that code, the nationwide alliances of feminist and human rights activists, and the musicians and memoirists who defy official ideology by celebrating their multicultural roots.

    I could go on. These are loose-knit networks: though many go back several decades, it was when EU accession began to look like a real possibility, in the mid to late 1990s, that they came into their own. What they saw in the EU bid was a chance for a bloodless revolution – a measured reform of its repressive state bureaucracies, a democratic resolution of the Kurdish problem, and an end to what polite political scientists call tutelary democracy.

    In the Turkish context, they mean a democracy in which the army has the last word, involving itself in the day-to-day running of government and stepping in to shut it down whenever it deems it to have strayed from the righteous path.

    Many of those who would like to see Turkey become a real democracy are veterans of its political prisons. Some did time after the 1971 coup, others were imprisoned after the much more brutal coup in 1980. A significant number did two stints in prison and/or were forced to spend time in exile. Quite a few bear the marks of torture. By and large, they are secularist in background, education and temperament, but in the past decade they have worked in parallel with Islamist groups that support democratic pluralism and oppose militarist secularism. Whatever their views on religion, a large number of Turkey’s democrats supported the AKP in the last two elections. They did so because they saw it as the party most likely to challenge the status quo.

    And so it has. Not since the founding of the republic has any government challenged the military with such daring. But its defence of free expression and the rights of others has been patchy. In 2005 and 2006 it largely condoned the prosecution of more than a hundred of Turkey’s most prominent writers, publishers and scholars.

    It did not speak against relentless media hate campaigns that have resulted in most of the Turkish public seeing the 301 defendants as public enemies. It did not offer any protection to the Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink. After Dink’s assassination, it did assign round-the-clock protection to the most prominent 301 defendants. But do not assume that they are safe. They put their lives at risk every time they speak, wherever they speak. A casual aside in Kansas City one day will appear under bold and distorting headlines in the Turkish press the next, alongside pleas for civil society to ‘silence them for good’.

    Does democracy have a future in Turkey? A lot depends on the Ergenekon indictment; a lot more depends on the outcome of the case against the AKP. But for me the litmus test is whether or not Turkey’s democrats can press for change without facing prosecution, persecution and (all too often) death.

    · Maureen Freely is a novelist and writer. She translated ‘Snow’ by Orhan Pamuk

  • Turkish coup plot awakens fear of violent nationalism

    Turkish coup plot awakens fear of violent nationalism

    [Guardian – 6.7.2008]
    Evidence of a conspiracy to overthrow the pro-Western Islamist government has laid bare the resentment of the country’s secular elite in a divided country, reports Robert Tait in Istanbul

    A pro secular demonstrator chants slogans against the government in Istanbul. Photograph: Tolga Bozoglu/EPA

    In a recent declaration, Turkish nationalists identified what they described as the ‘six arrows’ of the country’s proper identity: nationalism, secularism, statism, republicanism, populism and revolutionism. Judging by the events of last week, it is the last arrow – revolution – that has preoccupied the more radical in recent months.

    In an extraordinary raid which led to the arrests of 21 people allegedly tied to Ergenekon, a shadowy nationalist grouping, police uncovered documents that revealed plans for a sustained campaign of terror and intimidation against the Islamist government due to begin this week. A perfect storm of disruption was to be whipped up, beginning with a groundswell of popular protest, followed by a wave of assassinations and bombings, culminating in an economic crisis and army coup. Turkey’s moderate Islamist government would be ousted in favour of a right-wing secular dictatorship. The documents appeared to identify a 30-member assassination squad targeting judges and other prominent figures.

    The episode is only the latest trauma to convulse the Turkish body politic. As the raids took place, the AKP government, led by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and President Abdullah Gul, was defending itself in court from accusations that it is trying to transform Turkey into a hardline Islamic state. If the AKP fails to convince the judges, 71 leading figures in the party, including Erdogan and Gul, risk being banned from politics for five years. Increasingly, Turkish democracy appears vulnerable to a vicious power struggle between a secular establishment and the affluent but religiously conservative middle class.

    According to Professor Soli Ozel, of Istanbul’s Bilgi University, the more fanatical nationalists are determined to bring down the AKP, which despite its Islamist origins is pro-Western and pro-EU. ‘They are trying to pump up a modern urban Turkish nationalism with a racist tinge,’ said Ozel. ‘They are anti-Western and want to ally Turkey with Russia, China and even Iran. It’s very schizophrenic and full of paradoxes.’

    The Ergenekon group is named after a legendary mountain in Asia where the ancient Turks are said to have taken refuge from the Mongols. Those arrested in dawn raids in Istanbul, Ankara, Antalya and Trabzon included two recently retired army generals, Sener Eruygur and Hursit Tolon. Eruygur, a former head of the paramilitary gendarmerie for internal security, is chairman of the Kemalist Thought Association, a group dedicated to Ataturk’s ideals of modernism, which include subjugating religion to the state. He is believed to have played a central role in two previous failed coup attempts against the AKP, which was re-elected in a landslide last July. Nationalist lawyers, prominent secular journalists, far-right politicians and even a mafia boss have also been detained.

    The inquiry began after a cache of hand grenades was found in an Istanbul slum in June last year. Investigators claim to have since uncovered evidence of a motley coalition of secular nationalists colluding in a catalogue of past atrocities, including bomb attacks, a grenade attack on a newspaper and the murder last year of a Turkish-Armenian journalist, Hrant Dink. The alleged aim was to destabilise the AKP government by creating a climate of chaos.

    Critics were quick to question the authenticity of the documents and accuse the AKP of instigating a witchhunt against its opponents, using its friends in the police. Nevertheless the detention of two former senior army commanders carried huge symbolic weight in a country where the military has always played the decisive political role since Ataturk established the modern Turkish state in 1923.

    So, too, did the timing. The arrests came hours before the chief prosecutor, Abdurrahman Yalcinkaya, appeared before the constitutional court in Ankara to argue that the AKP should be closed for allegedly undermining Turkey’s secular system. The case against the AKP is contained in a 162-page indictment accusing the AKP of trying to create an Islamic state, a charge it denies.

    Given the conspiratorial game that Turkish politics has become, cynics are suggesting that the Ergenekon case will be used as a bargaining counter to ensure the survival of the AKP.

    The constitutional court had been widely expected to close the party when it delivers its verdict, probably next month. But with prosecutors saying they are ready to press terrorism-related charges against up to 60 suspects in the Ergenekon case, some suspect a deal has already been struck with moderate army commanders to try to avoid closure.

    Eruygur’s arrest inside a military residential compound may provide a clue, since many believe it could not have happened without army top brass approval. Erdogan recently met General Ilker Basbug, due to take over soon as head of the army. Basbug appealed for calm after last week’s arrests, but avoided condemning them. ‘We all have to be acting with more common sense, more carefully and more responsibly,’ he said.

    ‘The arrests were a pretty coup for the AKP,’ said Professor Ozel. ‘Many people think this couldn’t have happened without the tacit approval of the military, at least from the legalists within it. If there is a tacit agreement with the military and they are working with the Prime Minister, you can expect that the court has decided that the AKP is not such a big threat after all.’

    Whatever the outcome of the forthcoming battle of wills between Turkey’s nationalists and Islamists, the latest tremors in Turkey’s political landscape have revealed the enduring shadow of the country’s ‘deep state’. Secretive nationalist elements in the security apparatus are believed to have been behind a host of atrocities against the Kurds and other minorities, including the Alevis, a heterodox Islamic sect, during the 1990s. But, according to Ozel, if the Ergenekon trial ends in prosecutions ‘maybe that kind of nationalism in Turkey is going to weaken’.

    Who’s who in Turkey

    The AKP: In power for a year. Islamist, but has so far pursued a pro-Western agenda. In favour of Turkey becoming a member of the EU. Attempts to raise profile of Islam in Turkish society have led its opponents to accuse it of flouting Turkey’s secular constitution.

    Republican People’s party: The main parliamentary opposition. Secular and nationalist. Seen as hostile to the EU.

    The PKK: Outlawed Kurdish separatist party

    The judges: Trial involving AKP could lead to party being disbanded for instituting Islamic state.

    The military: Staged coup in 1980. Widely seen as responsible for fall of Islamist government in 1997

     

  • No agreement on Sargsyan-Gul meeting in Astana

    No agreement on Sargsyan-Gul meeting in Astana

    04.07.2008 16:39 GMT+04:00

    /PanARMENIAN.Net/ On July 5, Armenia’s President Serzh Sargsyan is departing for Astana on a working visit to attend informal summit of CIS leaders.

    “The President will also take part in festivities dedicated to 10th birthday of the Kazakh capital. No agreement on meetings with other heads of state has been achieved yet,” President’s Spokesman Samvel Farmanyan told PanARMENIAN.Net.

    Turkey’s Abdullah Gul will also arrive in Astana. Turkish media reports say Mr Gul’s is not scheduled to meet with the RA leader.