Author: Aylin D. Miller

  • Turkish hacker group “AyYildiz Team” threatens Europe

    Turkish hacker group “AyYildiz Team” threatens Europe

    Turkish hacker group “AyYildiz Team” threatens Europe

    [ 14 Jul 2008 18:24  ]

    Brussels –APA. A Turkish hacker group by name of AyYildiz Team made Europe anxious.

    According to APA, German Focus magazine published an article titled “Turkish network attacks European Union” and said that nationalist Turkish hackers tried to hijack the computer system of the European Commission and to get secret information. The magazine referring to the Commission’s secret report said that on June 13 AyYildiz Team entered to the closed section of EU foreign policy and security commissioner Xavier Solana’s web-site, which contains secret documents, and loaded own program codes there. However the hackers couldn’t get secret information and had to stop virtual attack because experts of the European Commission continually update the Solana’s page. It was noted in the report that it is possible to determine the hacker’s place, but it needs in the assistance of Turkish government.
    AyYildiz Team is regularly hijacking the web-sites close to PKK terrorist organization. The nationalist hackers are not partial to the attacks against Turkish people in the different countries. For example after the burning of Turkish houses in Germany, they attacked Internet pages of several German banks and companies and placed their message there.

  • ABDULLATIF SENER: A DIVISIVE FACTOR OR THE NEW POLITICAL LEADER OF TURKEY?

    ABDULLATIF SENER: A DIVISIVE FACTOR OR THE NEW POLITICAL LEADER OF TURKEY?

    ABDULLATIF SENER: A DIVISIVE FACTOR OR THE NEW POLITICAL LEADER OF TURKEY?

    By Emrullah Uslu

    Monday, July 14, 2008

     

    As the decision of the Constitutional Court on whether the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) should be shut down gets closer, new political figures have started forming alternatives. The expectation that the constitutional court will shut down the AKP has led various politicians to fill the gap that will be left behind. In addition to the continuing political discussions that have taken place with the participation of well-known former politicians and ministers under the name of Patalya Hotel Meetings (Sabah, July 12-13), former Minister of Labor and Social Security Yasar Okuyan has also formed the New Party. (Hurriyet, June 28)

    Perhaps the most interesting formation among those newly formed parties, however, is Yeni Olusum Hareketi (YOH), which was founded by a former deputy prime minister from the AKP government, Abdullatif Sener, one of the four founders of the AKP in 2002. Sener recently resigned from the AKP to found the new party (www.yeniolusumhareketi.org).

    Unlike other parties, the YOH successfully attracted the attention of the Turkish media. Several factors explain this. First is Abdullatif Sener’s firm stance against corruption. Sener had protested against his own party on this issue and withdrew his nomination to be a member of the parliament in the general election of July 2007. Second, when he was deputy prime minister he successfully reached out to secular segments of the society, which made him an alternative political leader who could fill the gap in case the Constitutional Court bans Prime Minster Recep Tayyip Erdogan from participating in politics. Opinion polls indicate that after Erdogan and President Abdullah Gul, both of whom may be banned by the court, Sener is one of the most widely supported political leaders on the center-right of the political spectrum (Vatan, July 13).

    There are conflicting opinions about whether Sener could successfully turn his positive image into political capital and carry his party to parliament. On the one hand, Sener has so far successfully organized several public gatherings: one in his hometown of Sivas (Hurriyet, April 19) and another more recently in Konya, the heart of the Islamist National Outlook Movement that gave birth to the AKP in 2002. More than three thousand people welcomed him, chanting “Prime Minister Sener” (Vatan, July 13). On the other hand, despite his positive image and some media support from Dogan Media Group, the most powerful media cartel, political observers are not so optimistic about Sener’s success in an election (Perihan Magden, Radikal, July 13, Ahmet Hakan, Hurriyet, July 9, Ahmet Kekec, Star, July 8). One of the major reasons why Sener may not be able to convert his prestige into electoral success is because most of the moderate Islamist groups consider that he betrayed them by associating himself with the “social engineering projects” of those who want to harm the ruling AKP (Zaman, July 13).

    Regardless of his success in the short term, in the long run even his presence could significantly damage the ruling AKP’s positive image among ordinary people. In his first rally in Konya, Sener harshly criticized the AKP government (Anadolu Agency, July 13). If the Constitutional Court decides to shut down the AKP or ban Prime Minister Erdogan from party politics, which is highly likely, then Sener’s position in politics in the forthcoming weeks will be very important, because it is no secret that 60 former AKP MPs and many current MPs would join Sener’s party (Bugun, July 13). Right after the Supreme Court prosecutor opened the lawsuit demanding the AKP’s closure, Sener used his connections within the AKP to organize private meetings with AKP MPs to form the new political party (Vatan, April 28).

    It seems that Sener’s role in short-term politics will be to divide the ruling party, but it is not clear how deep a political wound he might leave on the face of the AKP, since there is absolutely no sign as to what Erdogan’s plan will be if the court shuts his party down. Sener is in a critical position and must play the right cards at just the right time. Sener could become Erdogan’s Brutus or, with the help of the political climate and a bit of luck, he could be the next leader of Turkey.

  • Turkish Identity Formation and Political Mobilization in Western Europe and North America

    Turkish Identity Formation and Political Mobilization in Western Europe and North America

    From: Gokce Yurdakul <[email protected]>
    List Editor: Mark Stein <[email protected]>
    Editor’s Subject: H-TURK: Call for papers for a special issue in Turkish Studies [G Yurdakul]
    Author’s Subject: H-TURK: Call for papers for a special issue in Turkish Studies [G Yurdakul]
    Date Written: Mon, 14 Jul 2008 09:47:20 -0400
    Date Posted: Mon, 14 Jul 2008 09:47:20 -0400
    CALL FOR PAPERS FOR A SPECIAL ISSUE IN TURKISH STUDIES (to appear in June
    2009)
    
    We would like to invite papers for a special issue in Turkish Studies
    journal on Turkish Identity Formation and Political Mobilization in Western
    Europe and
    North America. We are specifically interested in original articles that
    focus on Turkish immigrant associations and their participation in politics
    in
    FRANCE, BELGIUM, and in the UNITED KINGDOM.  Articles that contain primary
    data will be preferred. If you would like to submit your article to this
    special
    issue, please contact: Dr. Sebnem Koser Akcapar at [email protected] and
    Dr. Gokce Yurdakul at [email protected] (special issue guest
    editors).
    Please note that all articles will be peer-reviewed. The submission date is
    July 30, 2008.  This special issue is currently in preparation and has the
    following articles:
    Turkish organisations in Europe: how national contexts provide different
    avenues for    participation? Pontus Odmalm   //  Divided We Stand?: Turks
    and Turkish associations in the United States, Sebnem Koser Akcapar //
    Immigrant associations in Canada: Included, accommodated or excluded? Saime
    Ozcurumez// Islam, conflicts and immigrant integration in Germany: The cases
    of Diyanet
    Isleri and Milli Gorus, Gokce Yurdakul // Organizing for access? The
    political mobilization of Turks in Amsterdam, Laure Michon and Floris
    Vermeulen //
    "The light of the Alevi fire was lit in Germany and then spread to Turkey":
    The debate about
    the relationship between Alevism and Islam, Esra Ozyurek //
    Towards a success story? Turkish immigrant organisations in Norway, Jon
    Rogstad, // The Gulen Movement in Ireland: Civil society engagements of a
    Turkish religio-cultural community, Jonathan Lacey.
    
    Best regards,
    Gokce Yurdakul
    Post-doctoral Fellow
    Freie Universitaet Berlin Program for Advanced German and European Studies
  • One Island, Many Histories: Rethinking the Politics of the Past in Cyprus

    One Island, Many Histories: Rethinking the Politics of the Past in Cyprus

    From: Mark Stein <[email protected]>
    List Editor: Mark Stein <[email protected]>
    Editor’s Subject: H-TURK: CfP: One Island, Many Histories: Cyprus [R Bryant]
    Author’s Subject: H-TURK: CfP: One Island, Many Histories: Cyprus [R Bryant]
    Date Written: Mon, 14 Jul 2008 09:54:02 -0400
    Date Posted: Mon, 14 Jul 2008 09:54:02 -0400
    One Island, Many Histories:
    Rethinking the Politics of the Past in Cyprus
    A conference sponsored by Peace Research International Oslo (PRIO) Cyprus
    Centre
    21-24 November 2008, Nicosia, Cyprus
    
    One of the most divisive elements of the Cyprus conflict is the writing of
    Cyprus’ history.  That history has been dominated by the two main
    communities, Greek and Turkish, who have written very different versions of the
    past five hundred years in the island.  Those differing narrative strands have
    often come into conflict and have constituted one of the major impediments to
    reconciliation.  At the same time, the dominance of these nationalist
    narratives has led to the exclusion of other groups, of other histories, and of
    other narrative possibilities.  This conference aims to investigate how those
    narratives have emerged, how they are reproduced, and what questions we might
    ask about the production of those narratives that would help us reorient
    history writing from a form of division to a form of dialogue.
    
    With this aim in mind, the conference is organized around a set of
    methodological and historiographical questions.  Because the questions that
    historians ask shape the results that they find, this conference proposes that
    new questions are important for a new orientation.  Through this
    historiographical approach, we seek to investigate the ways in which history is
    and has been written in the island, as well as what new ways of thinking about
    the past may be productive for the future.
    
    Because the initial point of diversion for the island’s hegemonic histories
    is 1571, the conference concentrates on the Ottoman, British, and postcolonial
    periods.  We seek proposals from historians and social scientists working on
    the following themes:
    
    1.  Concepts of belonging: Beyond dichotomous identities?
    Histories of Cyprus have often questioned the emergence or transformation of
    identities in the island.  “Identity,” however, implies sameness and is
    defined by difference.  In the current context, this means that polls in both
    sides of the island attempt to measure the extent to which persons living in
    Cyprus feel “Turkish,” “Greek,” “Cypriot,” or a combination of
    these.  Such concepts of identity, furthermore, are often written back into
    Cyprus’ history to explain the meanings of difference even in the period
    before nationalisms became hegemonic in the island.  How might we rethink the
    meanings of identity and difference in a pre-nationalist period?  And can the
    concepts of identity currently in use in the academic literature about Cyprus
    really encompass or exhaust peoples’ senses of belonging to the island?  What
    other concepts might be employed to think, both historically and currently,
    about those senses of belonging?
    
    2.  Historical traumas and collective memory
    There are certain events in all communities of the island that may be
    considered “historical traumas,” or traumatic events that play an important
    role in their collective memory as a people.  These include, for instance, the
    hanging of the archbishop and clergy in 1821; the massacre of Muslims in Crete
    in 1897; and the Armenian Genocide of 1915.  This panel asks how we might
    understand the formation of such events as historical traumas; their
    reproduction in collective memory; and the influence of such historical traumas
    on the writing of history.
    
    3.  Other histories and “others’” histories
    The hegemony of the two main nationalist narratives in the island has left
    little historical space for other groups, whether linguistic, religious, or
    ideological.  The two primary histories have, moreover, been dominated by
    masculinist narratives that emphasize relations of power and moments of
    conflict.  In what way might other histories contribute to a rethinking of the
    politics of history, as well as the history of politics, in Cyprus?
    
    4.  Writing official histories
    This panel seeks to turn a historiographical gaze specifically to the 1960-74
    period, asking how the divisive official histories of that period have been
    written.  We seek here to investigate the conditions of those histories’
    production, looking at the specific moments in which what came to be the
    “official” versions of those histories emerged.  What are the particular
    conditions in which certain narratives appeared to reflect Cypriot realities? 
    How did those narratives take on institutional form?  And what forms of
    critique were brought at the moment of their emergence?
    
    5.  Official vs. unofficial histories
    While official histories have often been studied and recognized as such, less
    attention has been given to the formation of “unofficial” histories,
    despite the fact that these are often histories that are as well known and well
    formulated as the “official” ones.  The history of the Left on both sides
    of the island, for instance, falls under the heading of “unofficial”
    history even as its stories are equally well known.  In addition, in the
    “official” vs. “unofficial” dichotomy, the “unofficial” often
    acquires the meaning of a hidden “truth” that “official” histories have
    denied.  Is this, in fact, what “unofficial” histories represent?  Might
    there also be other ways of thinking about histories that oppose the main
    nationalist narratives?
    
    6.  Popular histories
    Popular histories are those ways of explaining the past that may interweave
    with legends, myths, rumor, and other forms of folk narrative.  One
    particularly potent form of popular history in Cyprus has been the conspiracy
    theory, but urban legends and the power of rumor have been equally important in
    shaping the ways in which Cypriots perceive histories, especially local ones. 
    This panel asks what the role of such histories may be in shaping popular
    discourse, and how such popular histories may in turn influence the writing of
    academic histories in the island.
    
    7.  Social imagination in the post-74 period and its influence on history
    writing
    Apart from popular histories, one of the factors shaping academic history in
    Cyprus is what Charles Taylor has called “social imaginaries,” or “that
    largely unstructured and inarticulate understanding of our whole situation,
    within which particular features of our world show up for us in the sense they
    have.”  Such social imaginaries may include forms of discourse, as well as
    institutions that form the landscapes of daily life.  This panel asks what
    social imaginaries, or concepts naturalized as a type of social background,
    have shaped histories of Cyprus in the post-74 period.
    
    8.  Is there a space for subaltern studies in Cyprus?
    The past twenty years has seen the emergence of subaltern studies, a branch of
    historical theory that investigates the conditions of colonialism, including
    both colonial consciousness and the consciousness of the colonized.  In
    contrast to subaltern studies’ focus on the social history of the colonial
    period, Cyprus’ colonial history has been dominated by an elite history that
    leaves little room for investigation of the emergence of discourses, or forms
    of power and knowledge.  What are the reasons for this dominance of elite
    history?  How has it affected our understanding of social movements in the
    island?  And is there anything that we might learn from other colonial
    historians’ focus on forms of consciousness that emerge in the colonial
    period?
    
    Practical information:
    The conference will take place over in the buffer zone of Nicosia, Cyprus, over
    two days, 21-22 November, with a third day, 24 November, set aside for closed
    workshops amongst meeting participants.  We are currently seeking funding for
    participants’ travel and accommodation and hope to be able to cover most of
    participants’ expenses.
    
    In order to facilitate both workshop discussions and the later publication of
    an edited volume, participants will be required to send completed papers
    (approx. 7500 words) by 10 November.  Within the framework of the conference
    itself, participants will be expected to summarize those papers’ findings for
    a general audience.
    
    Please send abstracts of no more than 150 words to:
    
    Rebecca Bryant
    Associate Professor of Anthropology
    George Mason University
    [email protected]
    
    Deadline for receipt of abstracts is 10 August 2008.
  • New York Post – A leader in the world of terrorism / A Must READ

    New York Post – A leader in the world of terrorism / A Must READ


    New York Post – A leader in the world of terrorism / A Must READ

     

     

    GOTTI EX MARRIES TERROR PRINCESS

    By PERRY CHIARAMONTE and STEFANIE COHEN

    July 14, 2008

    Carmine Agnello has a thing for dangerous women – or at least dangerous fathers-in-law.

    The man who married and divorced Victoria Gotti, daughter of the late “Dapper Don” John Gotti, has a new bride – the daughter of a terrorist, The Post has learned.

    Agnello, 48, quietly married the beautiful, raven-haired daughter of Mourad “Moose” Topalian, a former leader in the world of Armenian terrorism.

    Agnello, nicknamed “The Bull,” wed Danielle Vangar, nee Topalian, on Feb. 19, according to court documents obtained by The Post.

    The lovebirds met about five years ago while Danielle, 35, was visiting her father in the same Ohio federal pen where Agnello was doing time on racketeering and tax-evasion raps.

     

     

    Topalian was convicted of weapons and explosives possession after authorities in 1996 found a locker filled with more than 100 pounds of dynamite and a cache of guns that they traced back to the high-profile Armenian nationalist from Cleveland.

    The feds claim Topalian helped plot the 1980 car bombing of the Turkish Mission to the United Nations in New York, which badly injured three passers-by.

    He has maintained his innocence, saying in published reports that he copped a plea only to keep his family from the ordeal of a trial.

    But a source told The Post that Topalian was the leader of a militant Armenian terrorist group dedicated to avenging his people’s genocide at the hands of Ottoman Turks in 1915.

    His daughter and Agnello are now the picture of suburban bliss, living in a trim white colonial at the end of a cul-de-sac in the posh Cleveland suburb of Bentleyville.

    Agnello has even opened a new business, Charity Towing, which hauls vehicles donated to nonprofit groups.

    But while he’s busy playing house with his new bride, Agnello’s three sons by Victoria – Carmine, John and Frank – weren’t even told about the nuptials, said his ex-wife, Victoria Gotti.

    “I wish him the best,” said Victoria, 46, when The Post broke the news to her. “But I can’t believe he didn’t tell the kids himself.”

    She said Agnello, who is still on supervised release, has only visited the three boys once since he’s been out of jail.

    “Like my mother always says, the government did me the biggest favor of my life,” Victoria said, referring to both Agnello’s arrest and the secret government recordings that revealed he’d been having a steamy affair with his bookkeeper, which led to the couple’s divorce in 2002.

    [email protected]

     



  • George Bush, Osama Bin Laden in MISSION ISTANBUL

    George Bush, Osama Bin Laden in MISSION ISTANBUL

    Joginder Tuteja, Bollywood Trade News Network  

    Apoorva Lakhia and Suneil Shetty are really thinking BIG for their upcoming project MISSION ISTANBUL.

    The film is being promoted extensively with each of the actors getting a fair dose of limelight for himself. While Zayed Khan is being the common factor amongst all the film’s promos (since he plays the central protagonist), even Nikiten Dheer (who did loose his share of pie in JODHAA AKBAR in spite of being pitted against Hrithik Roshan) has been making quite an impression with his physique standing tall over anyone else in the frame.

    Vivek Oberoi too doesn’t have a reason to complain since he has not just become much more prominent in the promotional plans of the film but now also has an item song all for himself. No wonder, he is giving tough competition to Abhishek Bachchan who has been roped in as an item boy for MISSION ISTANBUL.

    But are you aware that apart from Zayed Khan, Vivek Oberoi, Suneil Shetty and Nikiten Dheer, there are two more characters which form an integral part of this action packed thriller? And these two men are not fictional but belong to real life!

    We are talking about the characters of George W. Bush and Osama Bin Laden, who would feature in this most ambitious venture of Apoorva Lakhia.

    Of course, one can’t expect the two men to be facing the camera for a feature film and hence the makers of MISSION ISTANBUL have roped in look alikes of Bush and Osama for their film. While Brent Mendenhall, an exact look-alike of U.S President George W. Bush, appears in the film as Bush, the part of Osama Bin Laden would be enacted by Khalil Ahmed.

    In a film that has been shot in Turkey and exposes behind the scenes games of media and terrorism coming together, MISSION ISTANBUL is indeed generating quite some heat for itself. Also starring Shabbir Ahluwalia, Shriya Saran and Shweta Bhardwaj, MISSION ISTANBUL is a co-production of Popcorn Motion Pictures and Balaji Telefilms Ltd. and is all set for a 25th July.