Turkish Forum

Category: America

  • Are You from Turkiye ? Do You Really Need an Immigration Lawyer in USA ?

    Are You from Turkiye ? Do You Really Need an Immigration Lawyer in USA ?

    Are You from Turkiye ? 

    Do You Really Need an Immigration Lawyer? The Answer May Surprise You.

    Every day, thousands of individuals attempt to cross into the United States through the southern border. Reports suggest that many pay an average of $10,000 to criminal smuggling networks on the Mexican side just to make the journey. Sadly, the financial burden does not end there. Once inside the country, many new arrivals are told they must spend an additional $10,000–$20,000 on immigration lawyers. But the real question is: Do you truly need an immigration lawyer to file your documents with the U.S. government?

    The simple answer is no.

    With today’s technology, anyone can access the official forms directly from the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) website here is the link https://www.uscis.gov/ . All forms from asylum applications (Form I-589) to visa extensions (Form I-539) and document for visa extension you need  are free to download. Filing fees may apply, but there is no cost for the forms themselves. Even more importantly, thanks to tools like Google Translate or you can contact Asil Cavlak at email  [email protected] for translation of any document for much less money , instructions can be translated into nearly any language, including Turkish, helping applicants understand what is required.

    Let’s take asylum as an example.

    • Lawyer not required: The law does not require you to have an attorney to file Form I-589 for asylum.
    • Forms are available for free: USCIS provides both the forms and step-by-step instructions on its official site.
    • Interpreter provided: If your case advances to an interview, Homeland Security provides an interpreter at no cost.

    The same applies for visa extensions, student visas, and other filings. Many individuals successfully complete these documents on their own. The government has designed the system so that people can access and file the necessary paperwork without legal representation.

    Of course, there are times when a lawyer is helpful—particularly in complex cases involving prior deportations, criminal records, or unusual legal circumstances. But for most straightforward filings, the process is simpler than many realize.

    It is time, especially for newcomers from our NATO ally, the Republic of Türkiye, to pause, take a deep breath, and realize: you can start this process yourself. Don’t be intimidated by those who insist you must pay thousands of dollars to an attorney whose main task is filling out the same USCIS forms you can access online.

    Knowledge is empowerment. The forms are free, the instructions are clear, and interpreters are available when needed. Korkma /  don’t be afraid. Begin the process yourself, save thousands of dollars, and take control of your own future.

    Ibrahim Kurtulus
    Community Activist 

  • Letter to Turkish Foreign MinisterH.E. Hakan Fidan

    Letter to Turkish Foreign MinisterH.E. Hakan Fidan

    To: H.E. Hakan Fidan
    Minister of Foreign Affairs
    Republic of Türkiye
    T.C. Dışişleri Bakanlığı
    Dr. Sadık Ahmet Cad. No: 8
    06100 Balgat/Ankara, Türkiye

    September 4th 2025 

    Your Excellency,

    I write with once again with deep concern and disappointment regarding the continued conduct of Consul General Ahmet Yazal, whose absence at the funeral of Musa Çetin has once again caused great pain within the Turkish American community. At a moment when our community has been grieving since Saturday night, his presence and solidarity were expected and greatly needed. Yet, Mr. Yazal was nowhere to be found.

    What I have come to learn is even more troubling: he not only failed to attend the funeral but also reportedly canceled a scheduled meeting with a New Jersey mayor for the third or fourth time. Even more distressing is the information conveyed to me that Mr. Yazal chose instead to watch a soccer game, rather than stand with the community during a time of mourning. If this is accurate, it is deeply shameful and raises the question of how Ankara can allow such disregard for our community to continue without consequence.

    Sadly, this is not an isolated incident but part of a troubling pattern. Mr. Yazal has consistently demonstrated a lack of communication, failing to return calls or emails. This reputation is not confined to the Turkish American community; officials from the NYPD and other diplomats in New York have personally expressed disbelief that such an important post could be entrusted to someone so unresponsive and ineffective in building relationships.

    Adding further insult, one individual at the funeral shared with me that Mr. Yazal claimed he was “unaware” of the funeral — an assertion that is impossible to accept. The death of Musa Çetin was covered not only by the New York Times but also by every Turkish American media outlet, with details of the funeral’s time and location widely circulated, including to law enforcement officials. For the Consul General to suggest ignorance of such a significant event is nothing short of an abdication of responsibility.

    It is profoundly disheartening that Mr. Yazal occupies an office with a salary of $12,000 a month, funded for the purpose of serving the Turkish American community in the New York Tri-State area, yet he repeatedly fails to fulfill even the most basic expectations of his role. His position exists because of the presence, contributions, and needs of our community — a reality he appears to neither respect nor understand.

    The question must be asked: how can Ankara allow such an important post, one meant to embody the dignity and representation of the Republic of Türkiye, to be entrusted to someone whose actions reflect such irresponsibility and disengagement? 

    As President Erdoğan himself often emphasizes, representation abroad is not a ceremonial role but a sacred duty to serve the nation and its citizens. In Mr. Yazal, unfortunately, we see the opposite.

    With regret, but also with hope that this matter will be taken seriously,

    Ibrahim Kurtulus

    Community Activist 
    New York, Staten Island
    6462677488

  • Netanyahu’s recent remarks on the so-called “Armenian genocide” Look in the mirror

    Netanyahu’s recent remarks on the so-called “Armenian genocide” Look in the mirror

    Netanyahu’s recent remarks on the so-called “Armenian genocide”  Look in the mirror 

    Dear Screener: The letter is intended for the editors and key staff members; please forward copies of this message to especially the following personnel:


    1) David Horovitz, Founding Editor
    2) Joshua Davidovich, Deputy Editor
    3) Elie Leshem, Deputy Editor
    4) Gavin Rabinowitz, News Editor
    5) Lazar Berman,  Diplomatic Reporter
    6) Nava Freiberg, Deputy Diplomatic Correspondent.
    7) Sam Sokol, Political Correspondent

    David Horovitz
    cc: Lazar Berman, Nava Freiberg
    The Times of Israel
    September 5, 2025

    Dear Mr. Horovitz and Select Times of Israel Staff Members,

    It was noticed from your “About” page that perhaps a third of the staff originated from, or has had ties with, the United States. A special hello to those of you who are our fellow Americans.

    That same page claimed your publication “seeks to present the news fair-mindedly.” Here is a profound test of whether that is only talk, or if the ones who are reading sincerely care about walking this walk.

    On Aug. 27, both Lazar Berman and Nava Freiberg tackled the news about your leader recognizing the “Armenian genocide.” That phrase was not placed between quotation marks, with both writers making it seem as though this claim was an established fact. Neither they nor their supervising editors had any care as far as whether there was evidence. (It is immoral to make a criminal charge without evidence; anyone at the receiving end knows such charges lead to hatred.)

    In the text of their articles, both authors instructed readers there was no doubt that the Ottomans engaged in a deliberate plan to systematically murder all Armenians. Mr. Berman included “Assyrians and Greeks” as additional victims, because in his and his editors’ prejudiced minds, these are Turks, and Turks love to kill (especially when there is no reason). Never mind historical facts such as how Britain, France, Russia and later Italy had a secret early 1915 treaty to wipe the Ottoman nation off the face of the earth, dividing its territorial riches between themselves. Never mind the bankrupt “Sick Man” barely having the manpower to stave off three superpowers invading on all fronts, let alone to go off and kill  for no reason other than for the love of killing  valuable men needed for the war effort, poor, innocent Christians (most of whom traitorously rebelled, and were fighting on the side of the Allies; the only minority that did not rebel was the Jews).

    At least Ms. Freberg made some attempt to present the so-called “evidence”: “…Nations including France, Germany, Canada, Russia, and the United States have recognized…”—as if the unqualified politicians of these nations had actually taken the time to conduct an honest investigation. For centuries, the “Terrible Turks” have been cast as the stock villains of the West.

    Americans may recall that when the United States finally recognized this hatred-inducing claim in late 2019, it was not out of historical conviction but rather as retribution—directed against Türkiye’s moves in Syria, against Israeli actions in Gaza/Palestine, and based on the perceived notion of an alleged “genocide” against the Kurds.

    Netanyahu’s recent remarks on the so-called “Armenian genocide” come at a time when Israel itself is being accused by international and Israeli diplomats, former prime ministers, Israeli human rights organizations, and scholars of committing genocide against the Palestinians.

    Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert stated: “What Israel is doing in Gaza is nothing short of extermination, criminal killing of civilians, and an explicit government policy.” He further admitted: “We are committing war crimes.” This context makes it clear why Netanyahu chose to invoke the “Armenian genocide”: not out of sincerity, but as a retaliatory response to Türkiye’s accusations against Israel regarding Gaza. Revenge and get back time.

    Many Jews are Holocaust-fixated, automatically accepting the Armenian claim as the “number two” case, because that is what the corrupt genocide industry, driven by politics and money (certainly not scholarship), has simply “told” them (while ignoring countless cases of inhumanities throughout history; it’s always about the two big cases, and the “by the way” ones, Rwanda, Cambodia and Darfur  none of which adheres to the 1948 Genocide Convention’s rules or any one taking the case to the Human rights court or any court of law).

    There seems to be not one among you seeking “to present the news fair-mindedly” who cares about facts, maybe in this case because emotions have clouded your minds. You could pick up The Armenian File by Kamuran Gurun, around since 1985, which makes its case through Turk-despising Western/Armenian sources, as well as the Ottoman archives. The archives, prepared for internal usage (as with any nation’s archives) and not for P.R. purposes, have counted over half-a-million “Turks” systematically exterminated by “innocent” Armenians, from 1914 until the early 1920s. The Armenians also mass-murdered an equal number of Turkic Azerbaijanis. The racist genocide industry never speaks of these cases, obviously considering some humans as more valuable, and less valuable, than other humans. Check out as well Prof. Justin McCarthy’s Death and Exile, around since 1995 (so ignorance cannot be an excuse); Orthodox Christians killed over five million, expunging another five million, in the century ending on 1922. (A toll comparable to the Holocaust, only everybody knows about the Holocaust, and no one knows or cares to know about the extermination of “Turks.”) When Greece invaded in 1919, they mass-murdered over 600,000 in what WWI British propagandist Arnold Toynbee called “A War for Extermination” in The Western Question in Greece and Turkey (1922).

    None of you seem to care that from 1324 until the end of WWII (that’s when the USA took over), the Turkish nation, both Ottoman and Republic, especially during periods when Jews were being hunted down like dogs in many European nations, arguably served as history’s greatest rescuers and protectors of Jews (regarding the Holocaust, often at the risk of their own lives, Turks saved one hundred times more Jews than the 1,200 admirably saved by Oskar Schindler.)

    Here’s the kicker for many of you: when Armenians went about their mad plan to kill non-Armenians (to transform eastern Turkey into “Greater Armenia”), Jews were targeted. The crimes committed by Armenians served as the first systematic extermination against Jews, before the Nazis (whom Armenians happily joined in the 1930s, and during WWII).

    There is no evidence for an “Armenian genocide.” While corrupt “genocide scholars” have made excuses in regard to the following fact, Great Britain (the chief nation hoping to send Turks back to the hell from whence they came, “bag and baggage,” and thus the Turks’ worst enemy) looked under every rock (including the U.S. archives) for almost three years, in preparation for the aborted Malta Tribunal, and they finally had to release their prisoners, given findings as with a July 21, 1921 telegram sent from Washington’s British embassy to Lord Curzon: “I regret to inform your Lordship that there was nothing therein which could be used as evidence against the Turks who are being detained for trial in Malta.”  (British archives, F. O. 371/ 6504/E.8515.) The British even set an Armenian team to scour the Ottoman archives.

    Not only is there no evidence, the factual evidence makes the possibility of an “Armenian genocide” to be null and void. 1,673 of those who had hurt Armenians were taken to trial by the Ottomans in 1915-1916, with ten percent of decided cases punished via execution — the Americans among you may be aware our nation’s Lt. Calley received three days’ imprisonment for My Lai — and many of the rest sentenced to hard labor in shackles, which in itself would make the idea of “genocide” to be inconceivable. (To state the obvious, genocide perpetrators cannot punish their killers.) Even The New York Times lent evidence to this paradox in 1915, although the writer felt the need to describe one of the three Young Turk leaders as a “rebel,” to lessen the risk of invalidating the rest of The Times’ conflicting hate propaganda.

    A 2020 letter from us to the Associated Press, which had at the time made use of one of your biased articles to support their notion of this baseless charge, contained the following: “The Biden letter allowed us to learn the way The Times of Israel has handled itself over the years, a publication which has been particularly zealous in their utilization of hateful ‘Armenian genocide’ propaganda (their page on the subject includes nearly one hundred articles; meanwhile, as just one example, we could not find one syllable written by this ‘race-valuing’ publication on the rare ‘genocide’ that was virtually 100% successful, the elimination of Tasmanians by British-ruled Australians).”

    It’s not as though some of you haven’t heard from us in the past, either. We all make mistakes, certainly, but when the mistake is pointed out and supported by irrefutable facts, what does an honorable person do? A person of honor corrects the record, without delay. Especially if the person is a newsperson, supposedly devoted to nothing but the facts. Yet you have continued to present this vile claim that perpetuates the worst stereotype of them all, the idea of which is to create and foster hatred against Turks and those of Turkish heritage. (What’s the primary negative stereotype against Jews? It’s love of money. That is almost quaint, isn’t it, compared to the love of killing.)

    Beyond the fact that you make for unprofessional news people, it’s also open to question whether any of you are good Jews. Are you aware of the beautiful concept behind Tikkun Olam? When you reinforce this repulsive and evidenceless charge, you express only contempt for repairing the world; instead, you are gleefully choosing to engage in destruction. It’s time for all of you to look in the mirror, in order to conduct some very serious soul-searching. It says a lot about every one of you when you are not bothered by the exceptional evil your publication has been perpetrating — and for so many years — and your consciences permit you to not write the truth about this subject, as if doing so would be sacrilege.

    Sincerely,

    Ibrahim Kurtulus
    Community Activist

  • Death in Turkish Community

    Death in Turkish Community

    Death in Turkish Community – New York Consul General Missing in Action (Nerde New York Baskonsolosu Ahmet Yazal ?)

    To: H.E. Hakan Fidan
    Minister of Foreign Affairs
    Republic of Türkiye
    T.C. Dışişleri Bakanlığı
    Dr. Sadık Ahmet Cad. No: 8
    06100 Balgat/Ankara, Türkiye

    Your Excellency, 

    It is with deep sorrow that we acknowledge the tragic passing of Musa Çetin, 29, a young Turkish citizen who died while in police custody in New York City. His sudden and heartbreaking death has shaken the Turkish American community to its core. In moments like these, the community naturally turns to its diplomatic representatives for guidance, leadership, and support. Yet the question echoing in every corner of our community is:

    Where is our Consul General, Ahmet Yazal?

    The silence and absence of the Consul General during such a devastating event is both alarming and unacceptable. Since his appointment last August, Mr. Yazal has consistently failed to engage with the Turkish American community. He has been unreachable by phone, does not return digital messages, and ignores emails. In over 35 years, our community has not witnessed such a disengaged and unresponsive Consul General. This is not a matter of mere inconvenience; it is a matter of trust, responsibility, and duty. At a time when the Turkish community in New York is grieving, reporters, community leaders, and ordinary citizens are all asking the same question: why has the Consul General abandoned his post in the face of tragedy? His absence is more glaring now than ever. In failing to show up for Musa Çetin’s family and for the wider Turkish community, Mr. Yazal has failed in the most fundamental duty of his office.

    This is not simply about one tragic death it is about a dangerous pattern of neglect. For more than a year, the Consul General has shown no meaningful presence in the community, no proactive leadership, and no willingness to respond even to the most urgent matters. In a city where Turkish Americans contribute so much to civic life, such indifference is unacceptable.

    Your Excellency, Ankara must hear the voices of Turkish Americans. The credibility of Türkiye abroad, especially in New York City the world’s crossroads cannot be represented by a Consul General who is invisible in times of crisis. We are compelled to state plainly: this has been the most disappointing tenure of any New York Consul General in over three decades.

    We urge the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to take immediate action: recall Consul General Ahmet Yazal and appoint a representative who will uphold the responsibilities of the office one who will stand with the community, especially in times of grief, hardship, and crisis. The Turkish American community deserves a leader who will answer calls, respond to messages, and above all, honor their duty to protect and support Turkish citizens abroad.

    The tragic death of Musa Çetin demands not only an investigation in New York but also accountability within our own institutions. Silence is not diplomacy. Absence is not leadership. Ankara must act now.

    Respectfully,

    Ibrahim Kurtulus

    Community Activist 

  • Letter to US Secretary of State Marco Rubio

    Letter to US Secretary of State Marco Rubio

    The Honorable Marco Rubio
    Secretary of State 
    U.S. Department of State
    2201 C Street, NW
    Washington, DC 20520

    Dear Secretary Rubio:

    I write to firmly rebut the recent congressional letter urging the Administration to maintain CAATSA sanctions on the Republic of Türkiye and continue its exclusion from the F-35 program. The arguments advanced in that letter are selective, historically incomplete, and risk undermining not only U.S. relations with Türkiye but also the credibility and cohesion of NATO itself. The assertion that Türkiye “defied” U.S. policy by acquiring the Russian S-400 system ignores a critical fact: for years, Türkiye sought to purchase the American Patriot system but was consistently denied. Confronted with urgent security threats along its borders from hostile actors equipped with ballistic missile capabilities, Türkiye was left without a viable NATO option to safeguard its airspace. To portray this decision as reckless rather than a compelled necessity is to distort history in a way that misinforms policymakers and undermines Alliance unity.

    Equally concerning is the double standard by which Türkiye has been penalized, while other NATO allies including Greece, Bulgaria, and, until recently, Slovakia have long operated Russian origin S-300 systems without facing sanctions or exclusion. Beyond NATO, India, a key U.S. strategic partner, currently deploys the S-400, yet is not subjected to comparable measures. Other states such as Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Armenia also utilize S-300 and S-400 systems, but none are singled out in the same manner as Türkiye from Greek Origin Representatives. It is particularly notable that many of the representatives advocating punitive measures against Türkiye hail from the Greek and Caucasus lobbies, yet they overlook the fact that Greece another NATO ally continues to operate Russian S-300 systems. Such selective criticism exposes the political bias underlying this debate, rather than an objective assessment of Alliance security needs. The selective enforcement of U.S. law raises legitimate questions about whether the motives of those pressing this argument are rooted in broader national security concerns or in narrower regional rivalries.

    Türkiye’s record as the 2nd most powerful NATO ally cannot be ignored. From closing the Bosporus and Dardanelles Straits to Russian warships under the Montreux Convention, to providing Ukraine with drones that shifted the battlefield in Kyiv’s favor, Türkiye has done more than most allies to contain Russian aggression. Beyond the battlefield, it was Türkiye that spearheaded the Black Sea Grain Initiative, preventing a global food crisis, and it was Türkiye that mediated delicate negotiations including the release of American citizen Brittney Griner.

     More recently, President Biden himself acknowledged Türkiye’s critical diplomatic role in Gaza negotiations. President Trump himself has underscored the importance of U.S.–Türkiye relations: “Turkey is a critical NATO Ally, and our continued cooperation is important for American interests in the region and beyond.” “The U.S.-Turkish alliance can be a powerful force for security and stability, not only in the Middle East, but beyond.” These are not the actions of a state that undermines U.S. security; they are the actions of a partner whose unique geographic position and diplomatic reach cannot be replicated. The congressional letter’s assertion that welcoming Türkiye back into the F-35 program would jeopardize American security overlooks the greater danger of alienating a strategic ally at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. To permanently exclude Türkiye from cooperative defense projects risks pushing Ankara toward alternative defense partnerships with powers who do not share our values. That outcome would weaken NATO’s southern flank, fracture alliance interoperability, and embolden adversaries who benefit from divisions within the West.

     It is equally important to consider the motivations behind some of the letter’s most vocal proponents. Several of its signatories have Greeks roots and the other members of the Greek Caucus and maintain close connections with Greek lobbying circles. Congresswoman Nicole Malliotakis, in particular, has repeatedly advanced positions hostile to Türkiye, aligning herself with groups sympathetic to PKK/YPG-affiliated organizations entities tied to a U.S.-designated terrorist group. Furthermore, she has associated herself with the network of Fethullah Gulen group , which Türkiye and numerous other countries recognize as a terrorist organization.

    Congresswoman Malliotakis’s reelection campaign has received substantial financial backing from Greek-affiliated interests, raising serious concerns as to whether her policy positions genuinely reflect U.S. national security priorities or instead advance the agenda of regional rivals of Türkiye, such as Greece. Her record suggests that she is often advocating for Greek interests rather than those of the American people. US Congress is an Greek occupied territory. 

    Such behavior risks undermining the impartiality expected of U.S. policymakers, particularly when dealing with issues involving a NATO ally. Moreover, what Congresswoman Malliotakis and her Greek friends seems unwilling to recognize is that the country’s official name is not “Turkey” but Türkiye. Respect for Türkiye’s sovereignty is paramount. The official designation, Republic of Türkiye, reflects the nation’s independence and identity. Dismissing this by continuing to use “Turkey” ignores a matter of diplomatic respect that should not be overlooked.

     The Republic of Türkiye does not seek to erase the past; it seeks a fair and balanced reconsideration of decisions that weakened alliance cohesion, punished an indispensable partner, and emboldened adversaries. Readmitting Türkiye to the F-35 program and reexamining CAATSA sanctions through a lens of equity and strategic necessity would strengthen NATO, enhance transatlantic security, and restore fairness to U.S. foreign policy. Demonizing Türkiye, as some have made a political habit of doing, is not only counterproductive but dangerous in an era when unity among allies is paramount.

    Respectfully,

    Ibrahim Kurtulus
    Community Activist

  • Türkiye’s intervention Cyprus Letter to Congresswomen Nicole Malliotakis

    Türkiye’s intervention Cyprus Letter to Congresswomen Nicole Malliotakis

    Nicole Malliotakis
    United States House of Representatives
    266 Cannon House Office Building
    Washington, D.C. 20515

    Subject: Response to Your Remarks on Cyprus and the Republic of Türkiye

    Dear Congresswoman Malliotakis,

    I am writing to express my deep concern and disappointment regarding your recent remarks made during the 51st anniversary commemoration of Türkiye’s 1974 intervention in Cyprus, during which you referred to it as an “illegal occupation.” Your characterization of this complex historical event, along with your continued advocacy for the removal of Turkish troops, reflects a pattern of selective historical narrative that disregards international law, factual accuracy, and the lived experiences of Turkish Cypriots.

     As an elected official representing a diverse constituency including a large Turkish American,, and Muslims from across Staten Island and Brooklyn. I urge you to approach such sensitive matters with greater care, integrity, and an appreciation for the full historical context.

     Türkiye’s 1974 Intervention: A Legal Action Under the Treaty of Guarantee

     Türkiye’s intervention in Cyprus was not an invasion, nor was it illegal. It was carried out under the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee an internationally binding agreement signed by Türkiye, Greece, and the United Kingdom. The treaty grants each guarantor nation the right to intervene unilaterally in Cyprus if the constitutional order or security of either community is under threat.

     In July 1974, a Greek-orchestrated coup in Cyprus aimed to annex the island to Greece, violently deposing the legitimate government. Türkiye, in accordance with its treaty rights, intervened to prevent this annexation and to protect the Turkish Cypriot population, which had already endured years of discrimination, political marginalization, and ethnic violence. This intervention was not only lawful but necessary. The Athens Court of Appeals (Decision No. 2658/79, dated March 21, 1979) itself confirmed that it was the coup—not Türkiye’s response—that constituted the illegal action. Also, Archbishop Makarios III, the first President of the Republic of Cyprus, made several significant statements following the events of July 1974. After surviving the coup d’état orchestrated by the Greek military junta and EOKA-B, he fled to London and later addressed the United Nations. he also acknowledged that the coup in Cyprus was a Greek invasion not a Turkish invasion:  Here is a key excerpt from Archbishop Makarios’ statement to the United Nations Security Council on July 19, 1974 one day before Türkiye’s intervention:

     “It is a paradox, indeed, that the President of Cyprus is addressing the Security Council in his capacity as the head of a state which is a victim of aggression not by a foreign power, but by a country which claims to be a brother nation…”

    “What is happening in Cyprus is a clear invasion, through military force, by Greece… The coup was an invasion, and from its first moment it was an act of aggression and occupation.”

     This statement is important because Makarios labeled the Greek-led coup as an “invasion,” thereby creating an argument though indirect that Türkiye’s response was not the initial act of aggression, but rather a reaction to Greek Invasion of the Island.  The fact of the matter is In terms of the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, while Makarios did not publicly recognize the Turkish intervention as “legal,” the treaty itself is key to understanding Türkiye’s justification. The Treaty of Guarantee (signed by the United Kingdom, Greece, Türkiye, and Cyprus) gave the guarantor powers the right to intervene unilaterally to restore the constitutional order if it were disrupted.

     Archbishop Makarios did  explicitly endorse the Turkish intervention, his recognition of the coup as an invasion by Greece lends credence to Türkiye’s legal justification under the Treaty of Guarantee. Thus, the 1974 Turkish operation cannot accurately be labeled as an “invasion”

     The Turkish Peace Forces in Northern Cyprus continue to serve a vital function in deterring future violence and safeguarding the security of Turkish Cypriots. Their presence is not a political occupation it is a security imperative based on tragic historical realities.

     British Troops in Cyprus: Also a Guarantor Presence, If the presence of Turkish forces is a concern, I would respectfully ask why there is no similar objection to the continued presence of British troops on the island. The United Kingdom, like Türkiye, is a Guarantor Power and maintains sovereign military bases in Cyprus. Are these forces also to be labeled an “occupation,” or is this designation applied selectively for political convenience?

     The 2004 Annan Plan: A Missed Opportunity for Peace

    In your remarks, you called for reunification. However, in the 2004 United Nations–backed Annan Plan referendum, 65% of Turkish Cypriots voted in favor of reunification, while 85% of Greek Cypriots rejected it. Then–President of the Republic of Cyprus, Tassos Papadopoulos, openly urged Greek Cypriots to vote “No.” Reunification was not blocked by Türkiye or Turkish Cypriots, but by the Greek Cypriot leadership. If peace and unity are the goals, this crucial fact must be part of the conversation.

     Recognition of the Republic of Türkiye

     It is also concerning that you continue to use the outdated term “Turkey,” rather than the official name “Türkiye,” which has been recognized by the United Nations and many international bodies. Respecting a country’s chosen name is a basic tenet of diplomacy and decency. As a Member of Congress, you have a duty to model such respect in both speech and writing.

     The Strategic Importance of U.S.–Türkiye Relations

     Türkiye remains one of the United States’ most critical allies in NATO. It possesses the alliance’s second-largest military and serves as a geopolitical bridge to Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Balkans, the Black Sea, and the Middle East. As former  U.S. Ambassador Jeff Flake recently reaffirmed the vital role that Türkiye plays in American defense strategy, economic cooperation, and diplomatic outreach.  Efforts to weaken U.S.–Türkiye relations do not serve the national interest. Rather, they empower adversaries and compromise regional stability.

     A Call for Leadership, Not Division

    Congresswoman, it is my hope that you will choose to lead with fairness and inclusivity, rather than division and partisanship. As a representative of all New Yorkers, you have a responsibility to serve your full constituency, including Turkish Americans, Turkish Cypriots, and other minority communities who contribute daily to the richness of our city and our nation.

     Your message only justifies and intensifies the hateful feelings that have been instilled in them through childhood; frankly, you are engaging in tactics favored by groups such as the Ku Klux Klan.

     You were elected to uphold the principles of truth, justice, and equality—not to amplify the narratives of foreign nationalisms at the expense of American unity and international diplomacy.

    History remembers those who choose wisdom over prejudice, truth over propaganda, and peace over provocation. I sincerely hope you will reflect on these matters and approach them in a more balanced, factual, and constructive manner moving forward.

    Respectfully,

    Ibrahim Kurtulus
    Dongan Hills