{"id":34441,"date":"2011-05-27T21:48:28","date_gmt":"2011-05-27T18:48:28","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.turkishforum.com.tr\/en\/content\/?p=34441"},"modified":"2023-04-06T08:39:00","modified_gmt":"2023-04-06T05:39:00","slug":"why-syria-and-turkey-are-suddenly-far-apart-on-arab-spring-protests","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/2011\/05\/27\/why-syria-and-turkey-are-suddenly-far-apart-on-arab-spring-protests\/","title":{"rendered":"Why Syria and Turkey Are Suddenly Far Apart on Arab Spring Protests"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>On Oct. 13, 2009, the Oncupinar border gate between Turkey and Syria  played a starring role in a diplomatic photo op. Turkish Foreign  Minister Ahmet Davutoglu and his Syrian counterpart, Walid al-Moualem,  shook hands, smiled for the cameras and \u2014 en route to signing an  agreement to end visa requirements between the two countries later that  day \u2014 lifted the border barrier. The symbolism was lost on no one. Only  11 years earlier, thousands of Turkish troops had massed along the same  border, awaiting orders to deploy. Throughout the 1990s, the Syrian  government had sheltered Turkey&#8217;s public enemy No. 1, Abdullah Ocalan,  leader of the PKK, the Kurdish terrorist group. If Syria refused to  expel him, the Turkish leadership made clear in 1998, then the Turks  would march on Damascus. The Syrians flinched. Ocalan was sent packing.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_34442\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-34442\" style=\"width: 300px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-34442\" title=\"erdogan_assad_0525\" src=\"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-content\/uploads\/2011\/05\/erdogan_assad_0525.jpg\" alt=\"Syrian President Bashar Assad, right, listens as Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan speaks during a joint press conference in Damascus on Oct. 11, 2010  Read more: \" width=\"300\" height=\"205\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-content\/uploads\/2011\/05\/erdogan_assad_0525.jpg 670w, https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-content\/uploads\/2011\/05\/erdogan_assad_0525-300x206.jpg 300w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-34442\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Syrian President Bashar Assad, right, listens as Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan speaks during a joint press conference in Damascus on Oct. 11, 2010  Read more: <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>In the years that followed the standoff, Syria and Turkey became  close allies. Long-running land and water disputes were either settled  or shelved. Trade boomed, from $773 million in 2002 to $2.5 billion in  2010. In April 2009, the two countries held joint military exercises.  Just last year, together with Jordan and Lebanon, they signed a  free-trade agreement that many Turkish commentators hailed as the dawn  of a Middle East Union. (See pictures of the protests in Syria.)<\/p>\n<p>In reaching out to the Syrian regime, Turkey managed to inspire its  confidence, says Khaled Khoja, a Turkish-based member of the Damascus  Declaration committee, a Syrian opposition group. In 2005, Khoja  recalls, Syrian President Bashar Assad, whose government had been  accused of orchestrating the assassination of Lebanese President Rafiq  Hariri, found himself in a major bind. But Turkish Prime Minister Recep  Tayyip Erdogan refused calls by the U.S. and others to isolate the  Syrian regime. Instead, says Khoja, he helped bring Assad&#8217;s regime in  from the cold: &#8220;He made Turkey a bridge to Syria.&#8221; What Turkey got out  of all this, more than anything else, says Khoja, was Syria&#8217;s trust \u2014  the kind of trust that allowed it to mediate between Syria and Israel in  2008. This, says Khoja, &#8220;was a very good approach.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>But, he adds, it was not enough. &#8220;Turkey should have pushed Bashar to  make reforms in past years,&#8221; says Khoja. &#8220;You cannot have an attitude,  an active role, unless you are brave enough to step behind the reforms.  You have to say this strongly.&#8221; Turkey did not. Over the past few years,  in the face of Syria&#8217;s dismal human-rights record and its legacy of  authoritarian rule, the government in Ankara has remained silent. If  autocrats like Assad were to be prodded into changing course, Turkish  officials argued, it would be through diplomacy, not pressure. &#8220;We tell  our counterparts the importance of being respectful of human rights,&#8221;  Davutoglu once said. &#8220;But we don&#8217;t do it in public.&#8221; (See &#8220;How Syria and Libya Got to Be Turkey&#8217;s Headaches.&#8221;)<\/p>\n<p>Turkish officials were wrong to assume that a policy of  behind-the-scenes prodding could yield tangible results in Syria, says  Walid Saffour, president of the London-based Syrian Human Rights  Committee. &#8220;All the time they were hearing that the Syrians were going  to do so and so,&#8221; he says. &#8220;The Turkish government believed what Bashar  and his advisers told [them]. That was a game of deception on the part  of the Syrian government.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>In recent weeks, with the turmoil across its southern border showing  no signs of coming to an end \u2014 threatening not only its rapprochement  with Syria but also the stability of the entire region \u2014 Turkey has gone  into emergency mode, with Erdogan regularly on the phone with Assad and  top officials, including Davutoglu and an intelligence chief, Hakan  Fidan, who was dispatched to Damascus. As a senior Western diplomat in  Damascus tells TIME, Turkey&#8217;s backdoor diplomacy might now be the  outside world&#8217;s last remaining chance to persuade Assad to introduce new  reforms and avoid more bloodshed. &#8220;The Turkish approach allows the  Syrians to listen to the outside world&#8217;s concerns without feeling as if  they are being lectured,&#8221; the diplomat tells TIME, speaking on condition  of anonymity. &#8220;It allows them to make changes without giving the  impression that someone is forcing their hand.&#8221; (See pictures of tempers flaring across the Middle East.)<\/p>\n<p>Oppositionists like Saffour would prefer for the Turks to align  themselves squarely with the demonstrators. &#8220;Today Erdogan condemns the  killing, the detentions and the repeated massacres,&#8221; says Saffour, &#8220;but  he is not blaming Bashar for this.&#8221; As much as the Turkish leader might  want to ensure Assad&#8217;s survival, he adds, he will soon have to choose  between the leadership and the protesters. &#8220;The people inside Syria are  now calling for a change of regime altogether,&#8221; says Saffour. &#8220;The  Turkish stand shouldn&#8217;t be [opposed to] the stand of the people. If they  want to do something, they should support the people, not the regime.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Reached by phone during a visit to Turkey, Riad al-Shaqfa, secretary  general of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria, says he believes Assad can  step back from the brink. &#8220;The doors of reform always remain open if  Bashar is serious in this matter and if the people feel that he is  serious about it,&#8221; al-Shaqfa says through a translator. &#8220;To make the  reforms does not take much. It took them 15 minutes to amend the  constitution so that Bashar could inherit the country from his father.  They can issue orders to withdraw the security forces and the tanks from  the streets and to the stop bombardment of the people in a matter of  hours.&#8221; However, the outlook is getting bleaker by the day, says  al-Shaqfa, who adds, &#8220;There can be many initiatives and the Turks are  demanding this, but nobody is listening.&#8221; Khoja sees no room for  optimism. &#8220;If Bashar is not listening to Turkey,&#8221; he says, &#8220;then he is  not listening to anyone.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><em>Piotr Zalewski is the Turkey correspondent for the Polish newsmagazine <\/em>Polityka<em>. He has contributed to <\/em>Foreign Policy,<em> the Atlantic.com and the <\/em>National.<\/p>\n<div>Read more: <\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>On Oct. 13, 2009, the Oncupinar border gate between Turkey and Syria played a starring role in a diplomatic photo op. Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu and his Syrian counterpart, Walid al-Moualem, shook hands, smiled for the cameras and \u2014 en route to signing an agreement to end visa requirements between the two countries later [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":83,"featured_media":179379,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[56],"tags":[3883],"class_list":["post-34441","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-syria","tag-bashar-al-assad"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34441","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/83"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=34441"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34441\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/179379"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=34441"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=34441"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=34441"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}