{"id":16785,"date":"2010-02-08T19:28:40","date_gmt":"2010-02-08T19:28:40","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.turkishforum.com.tr\/en\/content\/?p=16785"},"modified":"2014-01-05T17:29:33","modified_gmt":"2014-01-05T15:29:33","slug":"armenia-and-turkey-the-truce-in-need-of-a-rescue","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/2010\/02\/08\/armenia-and-turkey-the-truce-in-need-of-a-rescue\/","title":{"rendered":"Armenia and Turkey: The truce in need of a rescue"},"content":{"rendered":"<div>\n<h4>Opinion<span class=\"removed_link\" title=\"http:\/\/www.google.com\/url?q=http:\/\/www.rferl.org\/content\/US_House_Panel_To_Take_Up_Armenian_Genocide_Bill\/1950651.html&amp;ei=eGVwS_K7OMbj8QbPp7yLBg&amp;sa=X&amp;oi=news_group&amp;resnum=1&amp;ct=image&amp;ved=0CAoQpwIwAA&amp;usg=AFQjCNG895c6CpwiN18kb5NqZV4CNBxZIQ\"><br \/>\n<\/span><\/h4>\n<h4><\/h4>\n<h4><span class=\"removed_link\" title=\"http:\/\/www.google.com\/url?q=http:\/\/www.rferl.org\/content\/US_House_Panel_To_Take_Up_Armenian_Genocide_Bill\/1950651.html&amp;ei=eGVwS_K7OMbj8QbPp7yLBg&amp;sa=X&amp;oi=news_group&amp;resnum=1&amp;ct=image&amp;ved=0CAoQpwIwAA&amp;usg=AFQjCNG895c6CpwiN18kb5NqZV4CNBxZIQ\"><br \/>\n<\/span><\/h4>\n<h3>They have a chance to make peace over their troubled past and move forward  &#8212; or balk and leave themselves, and their region, worse off than before.<\/h3>\n<div>By Henri J. Barkey and Thomas de Waal<\/div>\n<div>February 5, 2010<\/div>\n<div>\n<div>\n<p>For a while, it looked like the start of a great reconciliation.  Armenia and Turkey have lived beneath the vast shadow of the mass murder of  Armenians in eastern Turkey during World War I, and to this day they maintain no  diplomatic ties. But in October, the Armenian and Turkish foreign ministers met  in Switzerland and signed two protocols to set up relations, open their common  border &#8212; closed since 1993 &#8212; and begin addressing the painful disputes that  divide them. Each nation&#8217;s governments must still ratify the agreements. The  United States, with its large Armenian American community and strategic alliance  with Turkey, threw its weight behind the deal.<\/p>\n<p>But  this great truce is already in need of a rescue, and if it breaks down, we will  end up in a worse place than where we started. In January, Turkey showed signs  of having cold feet. Its foreign ministry objected to a judgment by the Armenian  constitutional court supporting the protocols on the grounds that they are  consistent with the founding principles of the state, which commit it to  pursuing recognition of the 1915 killings as genocide.<\/p>\n<p>The  endorsement of the court, which the U.S. government welcomed, actually opens the  way for the Armenian parliament to ratify the protocols. Turkey&#8217;s move was a  fairly transparent device to put the brakes on the  process.<\/p>\n<p>Why is Turkey trying to backtrack? Its  government agreed to the protocols, in part because it wanted to prevent the  U.S. administration and Congress from passing a resolution describing the  Armenian massacres as genocide. But Ankara was surprised by the vehemence of the  opposition the deal generated both at home and in its ally, Azerbaijan, which  lost a conflict with the Armenians over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh  in the early 1990s.<\/p>\n<p>The text of the protocols does not explicitly mention  Nagorno-Karabakh, but the dispute looms large in the background. Turkey  originally shut the border with Armenia in 1993; the Armenians captured an  Azerbaijani province during the Nagorno-Karabakh war. When the accord was signed  last year, the Turks hoped that there would be a breakthrough in the peace talks  over the conflict, but that hope is fading. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip  Erdogan has boxed himself in by proclaiming that the protocols will not be  implemented until Armenia withdraws from occupied Azerbaijani  territory.<\/p>\n<p>A rapprochement would be good news for Armenia,  which would see its main border to the West opened and an end to years of  regional isolation. Yet Armenian President Serge Sarkisian also faces  unexpectedly strong opposition. In the diaspora, there are loud complaints that  the provisions to confirm the existing Armenian-Turkish border and set up a  joint historians&#8217; commission on the massacres relieve pressure on Ankara to own  up to the Armenian genocide.<\/p>\n<p>Yet the world would never  tolerate a redrawing of Turkey&#8217;s borders &#8212; even Josef Stalin failed to  accomplish that in the flush of victory over the Nazis in 1945 &#8212; and the  Turkish government is unlikely to recognize the Armenian genocide with a gun  pressed to its head. Turkey&#8217;s own growing internal debate about the crimes of  1915 is a much surer road to their eventual acknowledgment than political  lobbying from abroad.<\/p>\n<p>On the Armenian side, it would be  political suicide for Sarkisian to make a major concession over Nagorno-Karabakh  &#8212; such as a unilateral withdrawal from occupied Azerbaijani land. Yet it is not  unreasonable for the Turks to expect some progress. After all, they closed the  Armenian border in solidarity with their Azerbaijani brethren, who would be  furious if it were reopened without any move forward on the Nagorno-Karabakh  dispute. At the very least, Azerbaijan could retaliate by charging the Turks  higher gas prices and favoring Russian export routes over the Nabucco gas  pipeline projected to traverse Turkey en route to Europe.<\/p>\n<p>Allowing these  protocols to fail would unleash a destructive chain of events. An aggrieved U.S.  Congress might press ahead with a genocide resolution, a move that would provoke  a strong anti-American backlash in Turkey. The already faltering peace process  over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict &#8212; the major issue impeding peaceful  development in the South Caucasus &#8212; would be hit hard, and calls for war could  resume in Azerbaijan.<\/p>\n<p>But Armenia can take smaller steps to  break the deadlock. Owing to the geography of this region, everyone suffers.  Azerbaijan also has an isolated territory that suffers economically &#8212; the  exclave of Nakhichevan, separated from the rest of Azerbaijan by an unfriendly  Armenia, its road and rail links severed. As a gesture of goodwill, the Yerevan  government could take steps to ease the blockade of Nakhichevan in parallel with  the opening of the Armenian-Turkish border. The Armenians could also begin work  on rehabilitating the long-defunct railway line that once connected Azerbaijan,  Armenia, Nakhichevan and Turkey. It is a sad symbol of the closed borders and  suspicions that cripple this region, but one day it could be a major east-west  transport route. The Turks would be wise to hail such an initiative as a success  and move on with ratifying the protocols.<\/p>\n<p>More broadly,  better relations with Armenia offer Turkey a chance to lift the burden of  history from its shoulders. Turkey&#8217;s ambitious foreign policy, with its goal of  &#8220;zero problems with its neighbors&#8221; and becoming the central power in its region,  will come to nothing if its enmity with Armenia endures. Tiny Armenia may be  dwarfed by Turkey&#8217;s size and clout, but it can lay claim to a moral  imperative.<\/p>\n<p>Henri J. Barkey is a professor of international relations at  Lehigh University and a visiting senior scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for  International Peace, where Thomas de Waal is a senior associate on the  Caucasus.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p>Copyright \u00a9 2010,\u00a0The Los Angeles  Times<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Opinion They have a chance to make peace over their troubled past and move forward &#8212; or balk and leave themselves, and their region, worse off than before. By Henri J. Barkey and Thomas de Waal February 5, 2010 For a while, it looked like the start of a great reconciliation. Armenia and Turkey have [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":83,"featured_media":774855,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7],"tags":[742],"class_list":["post-16785","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-armenian-question","tag-diplomacy"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16785","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/83"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=16785"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16785\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/774855"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=16785"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=16785"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.turkishnews.com\/en\/content\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=16785"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}