Tag: Greece and Israel

  • Foundation of the Greek-Israeli Axis

    Foundation of the Greek-Israeli Axis

    Foundation of the Greek-Israeli Axis: The Six Injustices That Fuel the Crisis

    The Greek-Israeli Axis of Impunity does not exist in a vacuum.

    JAN 02, 2026

    Image generated by GenTube

    The Greek-Israeli Axis of Impunity does not exist in a vacuum. It is built upon, sustained by, and actively deepens six profound illegalities that have poisoned the Eastern Mediterranean for decades. These are not secondary issues; they are the corrupt foundation of the entire confrontation.

    In our recent articles, we exposed the Greek-Israeli military-energy bloc, we revealed how the confrontation is fueled by a vicious ideological campaign, we explored how the threat is not just in the Mediterranean, but related to the “integration” trap in Syria, and we confirmed how Türkiye is not just passive, but in-fact has a pragmatic, dynamic asymmetric counter-doctrine which relies on expanding the geography, countering legal encirclement, and exploiting cracks within the opposing hostile bloc. Finally, in the conclusion, we presented how this synthesis demonstrated how these elements combine to create a perfect storm. We are, as is actively observed, in a “hot peace” where military build-up, broken diplomacy, and multi-theater gambits make miscalculation – and wider conflict – a real danger. Now, we present the most profound injustices upon which the enemy bloc’s strategies rest:

    1. The Erasure of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC)

    The central, deliberate fiction of the Axis is the denial of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) as a sovereign political entity. The Axis operates on the fraudulent premise that the Greek Cypriot administration of southern Cyprus (GASC) is the “Republic of Cyprus,” possessing sole sovereignty over the entire island. This is a legal and political absurdity maintained by force of diplomatic inertia. The TRNC, with its own government, democracy, and territory, is a reality. The Axis’s entire strategy – from exclusive EEZ agreements to military partnerships – aims to illegally exclude and suffocate the TRNC, treating the Turkish Cypriot people as a non-entity in their own homeland. This injustice is the original sin that makes all other “Cyprus Problem” diplomacy a farce.

    2. The Illegal Militarisation of the Aegean Islands

    The military backbone of Greece’s role in the Axis relies on a flagrant violation of international treaty law. The islands of the Eastern Aegean were ceded to Greece under the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne and the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty under the explicit, legally binding condition of demilitarization. Greece’s transformation of Lesvos, Chios, Samos, Kos, and Rhodes into armed fortresses – now stocked with advanced Israeli and American weaponry – is not a defensive measure. It is an act of strategic aggression that invalidates the very treaties that granted Greece these territories. This illegal militarization directly threatens Türkiye’s mainland and is the tangible manifestation of Greece’s maximalist, revisionist ambitions that the Axis enables.

    3. The Continued Illegal Occupation of Cyprus by Greece

    The most successfully disguised injustice is the ongoing illegal occupation of the island of Cyprus by Greece. After the meticulously coordinated campaign of violence by Greek and Greek Cypriot forces against the Turkish Cypriots in 1963 – which the UN concluded “must be described as genocidal in intent, in the sense that the word is used in the Genocide Convention of 1948” (S/6253, 10 March 1965), Athens unilaterally destroyed the bi-communal Republic of Cyprus. It then exercised effective political and military control over the island through its proxy, the Greek Cypriot administration of Cyprus (GAC). 

    This destruction of the Republic by Athens was not a later interpretation, but the immediate, unanimous assessment of the global powers. The Permanent Five (P5) members of the UN Security Council, despite their differences, were unequivocal in their condemnations. 

    Confronted with documented forensic evidence from the UN, UNSC, ICRC, and intelligence agencies worldwide, the international community’s fateful choice was to apply the “doctrine of state continuity” to this new, de facto entity, treating the perpetrator administration as the legitimate government of the defunct state. It prioritised Cold War expediency and NATO cohesion over justice. This was not an oversight; it was a political decision to reward violence with legitimacy

    Following the final attempt by Greece in 1974 to illegally annex the island by force, and the subsequent Turkish intervention – a lawful, treaty-based action (Article IV, Treaty of Guarantee) that halted the violence and prevented the illegal annexation of the island by Greece – this proxy retreated south, consolidating itself as the Greek Cypriot administration of southern Cyprus (GASC). 

    It continues to masquerade as the “Republic of Cyprus,” a legal fiction that rewards genocide and occupation with EU membership and sovereign recognition. In reality, it functions as a client state for Athenian and, increasingly, Israeli interests

    The “Cyprus Problem” is therefore not an internal dispute but the result of a foreign occupation sustained by a 60-year-old diplomatic fraud

    The Axis is not an alliance with Cyprus, but an alliance through Greece’s occupation regimeto project power. Recognizing this fact reframes the conflict: it is a struggle against a foreign occupation, not a bilateral quarrel.

    4. The Illegal Occupation and Fragmentation of Syria

    The erosion of sovereignty is not confined to Cyprus. Syria has been systematically fractured through foreign interventions that serve the strategic interests of the Axis. This manifests in two primary, interrelated occupations: first, the U.S.-backed, Israeli-supported entrenchment of the SDF / PKK terrorist organization in northeastern Syria, which operates as a de facto statelet; and second, the various zones of control established by other regional actors. The northeastern occupation is not a temporary security arrangement but the deliberate execution of a long-standing “Greater Israel Project” blueprint, aimed at implanting a permanent, hostile, and legitimized military entity on Türkiye’s southern border. This illegal fragmentation serves the Axis’s core objective: to trap Türkiye between a fortified Mediterranean front and a volatile, terrorist-controlled land frontier, draining its resources and diverting its strategic focus. It represents the eastern military pillar of the encirclement strategy.

    5. The Enabling Scaffold of Systemic Impunity

    These tangible illegalities persist only because of a culminant, meta-injustice: the calculated diplomatic and political impunity granted by hegemonic powers. The United States and leading EU states form an enabling scaffold for the Axis. They deliberately ignore the treaty violations governing the Aegean’s demilitarized status, politically and economically fortify the illegal Greek occupation regime in southern Cyprus, and provide direct military and political cover for the SDF / PKK project in Syria – all while orchestrating campaigns to diplomatically and economically isolate Türkiye for its legitimate defensive actions. This is not a failure of international law but its selective weaponization. This is not international law but international lawfare. By consistently punishing the response while absolving the provocation, and citing “international law,” this systemic impunity normalizes aggression, rewards treaty-breaking, and has dismantled the very mechanisms meant to prevent conflict. It is the permissive environment without which the other four injustices could not stand.

    6. The Cognitive Battlefield: Curated Civilizational Myths and Engineered Diplomatic Asymmetry

    The tangible injustices are sustained by a masterfully engineered narrative and diplomatic infrastructure in Western capitals. This sixth pillar is the strategic cultivation of civilizational branding: Greece and Israel are packaged not merely as allies, but as “the bedrock of Western civilization and democracy” and “the only democracy in the Middle East” – curated myths laundered into geopolitical fact through relentless repetition and ideological zealotry. These labels are not cultural accolades; they are political shieldsand strategic assets, conferring an automatic presumption of “virtue” and “moral high ground” that preemptively justifies their policies and inoculates them against serious criticism, even if their policies and existence even are, in fact, not in America, Europe or the United Kingdom’s interests.

    This curated identity fuels a powerful, asymmetric lobbying ecosystem. “Friends of Greece,” “Friends of Israel,” and “Friends of Cyprus” ( the most insidious of the three, a euphemism for the Greek Cypriot administration) caucuses in Washington, London, and Brussels function as political war rooms, not cultural societies. Their core mission is not to support the interests of America, Europe and the United Kingdom, or the region’s interests, but to translate this “civilizational” capital into hard power: lobbying for arms deals that illegally militarize the Aegean, shielding occupation and settlement policies from consequences, and framing every Turkish or TRNC defensive measure as proof of “authoritarian aggression.”Leaders from Athens and Tel Aviv are routinely feted in joint congressional addresses and parliamentary gatherings, their narratives amplified and unchallenged within these sanctums of influence.

    Conversely, Türkiye and the TRNC are systematically excluded from this economy of legitimacy. They do not show any interest in engaging in mirror-image campaigns to demonize their neighbours. Their diplomatic posture is one of pragmatic defense and evidential appeal – invoking treaty law, presenting satellite imagery of militarization, and advocating for neutral mediation and mutual security. This language of fact, law and cooperation is drowned out by the resonant, myth-powered narratives of their adversaries. The result is a devastating diplomatic asymmetry: the expansionist, treaty-violating actions of the Axis are heard as the complex challenges of “fellow liberal democracies,”while the defensive, legally-grounded responses of Türkiye and the TRNC, actual democracies and reliable allies upon which Washington, London and Brussels depend, are dismissed as the provocations of a “revisionist”or “illegal” state.

    This engineered cognitive landscape is the indispensable soft-power engine of the Axis of Impunity. It ensures that the illegal occupations, the militarization, and the strategic fragmentation are never confronted as the flagrant violations they are, but are perpetually “contextualized” within a framework where one side is inherently virtuous. By weaponizing curated civilizational myths, the Axis achieves a pre-emptive disarmament of its opponents in the court of global opinion, making the physical and legal encirclement not just possible, but politically palatable.

    Conclusion of Injustices

    The Greek-Israeli Axis of Impunity is not a response to Turkish “aggression.” It is the militarized expression of these six interconnected injustices. It weaponizes the illegal occupations of Cyprus and Syrian territory, arms the illegal militarization of the Aegean and southern Cyprus, institutionalizes the illegal erasure of a sovereign people (the Turkish Cypriots) and their democratic state (the TRNC), and is both enabled by and actively cultivates a global system of cognitive and diplomatic asymmetry. This is not a foreign policy. It is the operating system for a protracted, hybrid war. Any analysis that fails to start from this foundation is diagnosing symptoms while ignoring the disease; analyzing a shadow, not the substance, of the conflict. Lasting peace is impossible while this architecture stands and these injustices form the operating system of regional politics.

    This isn’t just an analysis; it’s a warning. Understanding these interconnected layers is crucial for anyone concerned with regional stability, international law, and national security. The final installment will show why this is not a distant risk, but a clear and present danger – and what must be done to avert it.

    My name is Mustafa Niyazi, and I connect the disconnected.

  • Israel’s new Mediterranean best friend

    Israel’s new Mediterranean best friend

    By JAY BUSHINSKY 
    08/19/2010 01:42

    Analysis: Can Greece replace Turkey?

    Can Greece replace Turkey as Israel’s foremost strategical ally in the Eastern Mediterranean region? To a certain extent, yes, but not entirely.

    The Greeks can provide air space for Israeli warplanes to practice for long-range combat missions.

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    (Since the withdrawal from Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula three decades ago, Israel’s minuscule size precluded such activity here.) They also can increase their purchases of sophisticated military hardware made in Israel and expand the sharing of sensitive intelligence data.

    Greece already is a choice alternative for Israeli tourists, 400,000 of whom used to fill Turkey’s relatively low-cost and very comfortable resort hotels. It also offers ample opportunities for shoppers out to buy for less and to sightseers bent on exploring ancient sites like Athens’ Acropolis.

    Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu had these considerations in mind when he embarked on his twoday official visit to Athens this week. His trip, the first by an incumbent Israeli prime minister, followed an inaugural visit to this country by his Greek counterpart, George Papandreou, a month ago.

    Netanyahu’s itinerary included a voyage aboard a Greek naval vessel made in Israel as well as meetings with senior military and diplomatic aides as well as with Papandreou himself.

    However, Greece has several limitations of which Netanyahu surely is aware.

    Its population is substantially smaller than Turkey’s: 12 million compared to 63 million. Hence, its purchasing power is substantially less.

    Historically, Greece has maintained a correct if not especially cordial diplomatic relationship with Israel.

    This is due to wide-ranging trade links with the Arab states as well as an active left wing that supports the Palestinian side of the Middle East conflict. The two pro- or neo-communist parties in Greece objected strenuously to Netanyahu’s arrival and managed to run up Palestinian flags over the Parthenon in advance of the Israeli leader’s tour there.

    On the other hand, the fact that the Greeks fought Nazi Germany and suffered from its brief occupation while the Jews were the primary victims also must be borne in mind as a coalescing factor. (Turkey, on the other hand, was neutral until the very end of World War II.) Politically, Greece has much less influence over the Arab states than Turkey.

    Like them, Turkey is a predominantly Muslim state, even though its constitution advocates secularism in governmental as well as social affairs. Ankara’s ruling Islamic party, headed by Prime Minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan, even aspires to reassert the regional hegemony enjoyed by the former Ottoman Empire, which ruled in Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut, Jerusalem and Cairo – at least insofar as foreign policy is concerned.

    However, the Greeks have several advantages. Their country is a longtime member of the European Union, a multi-national body in which Israel is vitally interested and which it would be happy to join if given the opportunity. They also serve as discreet intermediaries for Israel’s unpublicized exports to the Arab states.

    There also is a profound Greek religious interest and involvement in the Holy Land.

    The Greek Orthodox church is one of Israel’s major landowners. Its possessions include churches and monasteries throughout the country (especially in Jerusalem, where its prelates granted the prestate Zionists permission to build the attractive Rehavia neighborhood on land adjacent to the Monastery of the Cross). And thousands of Greek Orthodox pilgrims flock to Israel annually, especially for Christmas and Easter on the dates designated by the Greek religious calendar.

    Actually, an Israeli swing away from Turkey toward Greece – because of Erdogan’s hostile rhetoric and behavior, especially since the May 31 seizure of a Gaza-bound flotilla by the Israeli navy and the death of nine Turkish passengers on board one of the ships – could backfire on Ankara.

    It already has undermined Turkey’s ability to act as a regional mediator (between Israel and Syria, for example), prompted grave warnings from the US that military equipment sought by the Turkish armed forces may be withheld and thrown Turkey out of step with the international effort to deter Iran from expanding its nuclear development program.

    Inevitably, Greece will act in its own best interests.

    And if these include the upgrading of military and business links with Israel (whose burgeoning economy also could help Athens solve its financial problems), so be it – unless Greek public opinion stands in the way.

    https://www.jpost.com/Middle-East/Israels-new-Mediterranean-best-friend