Category: Authors

  • Yalman haceroğlu interviews Turkmeneli party leader Riyaz sarıkahya

    Yalman haceroğlu interviews Turkmeneli party leader Riyaz sarıkahya

    Yalman Haceroğlu interviews Turkmeneli Party leader: This is what made Kirkuk a focus of political conflicts

    • The crises that Kirkuk suffers related to the policies of the Kurdish parties
    • We presented in the Turkmen Eli Party the Kirkuk province Project, which received great support.
    • The best solution for the administration of Kirkuk is to form the Kirkuk province to end the conflicts.
    • The majority of the Turkmen parties are formal, far from party specifications, structures and political activities
    • The Turkmen people became the subject of marginalisation because of the weakness of the Turkmen parties and the media
    • Electoral laws must be enacted to achieve fair representation of the Turkmen in the government
    The leader of Turkmeneli party leader Riyaz Sarikahya
    The leader of Turkmeneli party leader Riyaz Sarıkahya

    Kirkuk city, which is being discussed in international forums for its underground energy and geographical location, has become the subject of disputes between local political forces and is capable of producing crises to be available for regional powers to intervene . What attracts attention and attention is that this city has been exposed to demographic change policies before and after 2003 and continues to this day.

    To shed light on the sequences of events and crises that have affected this city, we interview the leader of the Turkmeneli Party, Engineer Riyaz Sarıkahya .

    Welcome to 180 Investigations

    1-Why has Kirkuk city become the subject of demographic change policies since the seventies of the last century until now?

    Because Kirkuk was the main source of Iraqi oil exports until the seventies of the last century.

    For this reason, the Kurdish parties were trying to affiliation Kirkuk to their region that was to be established at that time to achieve a financial source for their region .

    In return, the central governments’ attempts to ensure and continue the dominance of Kirkuk brought many many Arab citizens to Kirkuk and carried out Arabization operations in the city that continued until 2003. After the Kurdish parties took control of the administration in Kirkuk, they brought many many Kurdish citizens to the city in order to create a balance with the Arab element that was brought during Saddam’s rule. This process continued until 2017, when the federal government took control of Kirkuk and exploited this control to bring hundreds of thousands of Arab citizens from other governorates such as Salah al-Din and Diyala to the city of Kirkuk in a tangible and clear manner, which led to the Arabization of the city of Kirkuk for the second time.

    All these attempts led to a demographic change in the city of Kirkuk, which had a Turkmen identity for hundreds of years.

    2- Do you think that the crises that chase the city of Kirkuk are crises fabricated by local political forces that rely on international or regional powers?

    The main reason for the attempts to change the demographics of Kirkuk city was primarily due to the views and policies of the local Kurdish parties, and there were no regional reasons and the impact of the regional policies of Kirkuk was minimal. However, during the liberation of Iraq from Saddam, the US administration granted the administration of Kirkuk city to the Kurdish parties as a reward and honor for their positions and cooperation with the US forces during the overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime, and this US policy led to opening the way for the implementation of the Kurdification policy for Kirkuk city from 2003 to 2017.

    3- As the Iraqi Turkmeneli Party, have you presented projects related to Kirkuk city politically, economically and socially?

    We in the Turkmeneli. Party presented (Kirkuk Region Project) which received great support from many of the political parties in Kirkuk. A request for a referendum on Kirkuk’s regionalization was submitted to the federal government in early 2006 after more than a third of the provincial council members signed, but the federal government did not meet this constitutional request for fear of the Kurdish parties at that time because the Kurdish parties were requesting a referendum on annexing Kirkuk to the Kurdistan Region based on Article 140.

    On the social side, we presented the Kirkuk Council of Elders project to consolidate relations between the components.

    4- In your political view, as you are experienced in Turkmen politics, what are the realistic solutions derived from the essence of the city for the Kirkuk crisis?

    We see that the ideal solution for administering Kirkuk is to form a Kirkuk Region, which ends the conflicts between the Kurdistan Region and the federal government on the Kirkuk issue. And to form a joint rotating administration and distribute key positions equally among the components

    5- How do you view the reality of the political activity of the Turkmen parties to preserve the identity of Kirkuk and fixed in the literature of the Turkmeneli Party?

    The majority of the Turkmen parties are far from the specifications and compositions of the parties and political activities, but rather they are parties of title and formality and headquarters in the first degree and are artificial for personal purposes and calculations.

    Therefore, these parties lack political activities and influences. Despite this, there is a section of the Turkmen parties that have a history of struggle against the Saddam regime and have honorable and influential positions and political activities that represent the Turkmen movement. Thanks to these real and basic parties, the federal, local, regional and international governments have made it necessary to take into account the Turkmen component in political equations, whether in Kirkuk, Iraq or the Kurdistan Region. At the forefront of these parties is the Turkmeneli. Party, which has political and administrative projects that concern Kirkuk, the region and Iraq.

    6- How do you read the relationship of the Turkmen parties with each other first and with the central government?

    The relationship between the Turkmen parties is a natural relationship based primarily on personal relationships between the officials of these parties rather than political and methodological points of view. However, during the election process, there are some electoral cooperations between these parties.

    7-Is there marginalisation and exclusion of the Turkmen from the political process in Iraq? What are the reasons and factors?

    This marginalisation varies from one stage to another, but it continues with a difference in percentages from one stage to another. The most prominent of this marginalisation is in the leadership of the High Electoral Commission in Baghdad and other governorates, which creates an opportunity for the Turkmen parties to lose in the elections and allows for a lot of fraud for non-Turkmen parties in the elections. There is marginalization in the Council of Ministers and the leadership of the police and army, contrary to Article 9 of the Iraqi Constitution. The main reason for this marginalization is the silence of the Turkmen parties and the Turkmen media and their failure to address this deliberate marginalization for the personal calculations of some of these parties and candidates at the expense of the interests of the Turkmen people. The silence of the Turkmen media and their failure to address this deliberate marginalization on these violations led to the creation of an opportunity for other components to seize the rights of the Turkmen people.

    8- How can the marginalisation of the Turkmen from the political process be eliminated?

    It will be through enacting electoral laws that stipulate fair representation for the Turkmen in line with the population size, which according to the 1977 statistics organized by the racist government was 6%. Therefore, we demand as a maximum the application of this percentage for fair representation in the federal government and its institutions, especially in the army, police, security and foreign agencies. And achieving a percentage of 32% in each of Kirkuk and Erbil, 20% in Nineveh and Salah al-Din, and 10% in Diyala and Baghdad governorates. And enacting laws based on Article 125 of the Iraqi Constitution regarding the rights of the Turkmen.

  • Pashinyan Again Makes Anti-Armenia And Anti-Diaspora Statements

    Pashinyan Again Makes Anti-Armenia And Anti-Diaspora Statements

    The biggest tragedy of Armenians worldwide is that Armenia is ruled by a Prime Minister who is not only incompetent, but also anti-Armenian.

    During his interview with Armenia’s Public TV last Saturday, Nikol Pashinyan repeated once again his nonsense about the difference between ‘Real Armenia’ and ‘Historic Armenia.” He even claimed that ‘Historic Armenia’ is the enemy of today’s ‘Real Armenia.’ Just because wars and invasions have shifted Armenia’s boundaries over the centuries, it does not mean that there is no such thing as ‘Historic Armenia.’ Don’t be surprised if one day Pashinyan claims that Armenia has only existed since 2018 when he came to power!

    What Pashinyan is trying to do is deprive Armenians of the right to even dream of restoring ‘Historic Armenia,’ someday in the future. He naively thinks that by announcing that Armenia does not have any territorial demands from its neighboring countries, he will be able to convince Azerbaijan to sign a meaningless peace treaty with Armenia. The fact is that Pres. Aliyev has zero interest in signing a peace treaty. On the contrary, he repeatedly threatens to attack Armenia. He describes the Republic of Armenia as ‘Western Azerbaijan,’ demanding the settlement of 300,000 Azerbaijanis in Armenia.

    Rather than saying that we have no demands from anyone, Pashinyan should just keep his mouth shut. He should neither say we have demands nor say that we do not have demands. The reason is that Armenia is currently weak and cannot confront militarily its much stronger enemies — Azerbaijan and Turkey. However, it is wrong to declare that we do not have any territorial demands because that would give up Armenians’ right to regain someday their lost territories. To keep that dream alive, Armenia does not need to have a powerful army. It just needs to preserve its historic memory and transmit it to future generations until the day when, due to unexpected circumstances, the opportunity arises to recover what Armenians had lost. If they do not keep the dream alive, even when such an opportunity comes up, Armenians will not be able to take advantage of it because they have voluntarily given up that right.

    The best example is what the Jews were able to accomplish after losing their homeland 2,000 years ago. By preserving their dream of “Next Year in Jerusalem” and transmitting it to future generations, they were able to take advantage of the opportunity created in the 20th century to return to their historic homeland.

    In his interview on Public TV, Pashinyan stated that no one will sell weapons to Armenia if we keep mentioning Ararat as being our mountain. This is totally false. Saying Ararat or Arakads has nothing to do with acquiring weapons. It has everything to do with knowing how to run a country and a military, and having the funds to pay for the needed weapons. If saying Ararat would have deprived Armenia of obtaining weapons, how did Armenia acquire, before Pashinyan, billions of dollars of weapons which were regrettably captured by Azerbaijan during the 2020 war and are now displayed in Baku?

    When Pashinyan was asked about the appropriateness of his riding a bicycle or making an omelet on Facebook, while the country is on the edge of war, he replied: “all the institutions of our country are working even when I am riding a bicycle.”

    Pashinyan also excused his constant concessions to Azerbaijan by explaining that he does not want to respond to Azerbaijan’s escalatory rhetoric which is aimed at provoking new hostilities. He does not seem to understand that making concessions to the enemy does not deter war. On the contrary, it increases Aliyev’s appetite to demand more concessions.

    When asked about a Diasporan Armenian’s dream to return someday to his ancestral homeland, Pashinyan nonchalantly and insultingly said: “He lives in Australia, wants to return to the birthplace of his grandfathers, let him return. What does that have to do with the Republic of Armenia?” He continued: “Our compatriot lives in Australia, wants to return to the homeland of his grandfathers, which could be anywhere in the world, including Mush, Ardahan, Sis, but for that we should make our soldiers a target? Is that what we want? In other words, we want missiles to fall on our military units at any moment because there are people in Canberra who want to return to the birthplace of their grandfathers, which is Adana. Is this logical?”

    In response to a question as to why he has done nothing to secure the release of the Armenian hostages in Baku, Pashinyan replied: “There are superpowers today that have citizens in the same situation in different countries and they are unable to bring them back for years.”

    During his meeting with a group of Swiss-Armenians in Zurich las week, Pashinyan raised unnecessary questions about the basic facts of the Armenian Genocide: “We need to also return to the history of the Armenian Genocide. We need to understand what happened and why?” Pashinyan is probably the only Armenian in the world who does not know what happened in 1915. He then continued with a nonsense question: “How is it that in 1939 there was no agenda for the Armenian Genocide? And how is that in 1950 the Armenian Genocide agenda appeared?” Pashinyan does not even know that the term genocide did not exist in 1939. It was coined in the 1940’s by Raphael Lemkin. Until then Armenians referred to the mass murders of 1915 as massacres.

    As soon as a new patriotic leader comes to power in Armenia, he should announce that every one of Pashinyan’s orders, laws, statements and agreements are null and void.

  • Concepts of revolution, coup, and falsification of historical facts

    Concepts of revolution, coup, and falsification of historical facts

    Yalman Haceroğlu writes: Concepts of revolution, coup, and falsification of historical facts

    Before going into the details of this complicate and sensitive topic, the details of which have been confused for many Arabs and non-Arabs around the world, we must first begin by defining the concepts of revolution and coup according to what all political and philosophical schools in the world have stipulated, such as the Rosenthal Philosophical Group, the free Wikipedia, the British Encyclopedia, and the works of John Locke, Arnold Toynbee, Jean-Paul Sartre, and many others; where they agreed on the following:

    Coup: is the overthrow of the existing ruling system by a limited group of military personnel through secrecy and deception; and then they themselves assume the leadership of the country’s government, whether the various groups of the people participate or not.

    Revolution: is the exit of most of the various sectors of the people in the streets and public squares and in a public manner to overthrow the existing ruling system and replace it with another, whether the military institution participates or not.

    So the two definitions are very clear in meaning, connotation, and direction.

    Examples of the greatest revolutions in modern and contemporary history in the four corners of the earth during the last three centuries; we mention the Great American Revolution of 1776, the French Revolution of 1789, the German Revolution of 1857, the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia of 1917, the Ahmed Orabi Revolution in Egypt of 1919, the Revolution of the Twentieth in Iraq of 1920, and the Islamic Iranian Revolution of 1979.. As these revolutions were complete in their elements, description, and image in light of what was mentioned in the definition above regarding ((revolution))

    What is the group of bloody coups that swept through the Middle Ages, and which were falsely and slanderously called revolutions, they are very many.. They were carried out by a group of military officers who overthrew the ruling regime in a bloody and intelligence-driven manner without the people knowing about it.. such as the coup of July 23, 1952 in Egypt; and the coups of July 14, 1958, February 8, 1963, and July 17, 1968 in Iraq; And Muammar Gaddafi’s coup in September 1969; and Hafez al-Assad’s coup in Syria in 1970.. all of them are purely military coups in form, content and essence; and they have no relation to the concept of revolutions, neither near nor far.. but they were described as revolutions to give them popular and political legitimacy; and also to justify all the crimes of the new military coup leaders; the latest of which was the Egyptian coup on June 30, 2013 when the legitimate government of President Morsi was overthrown; and the military took over the leadership of the Egyptian state again..

    .. So we are now facing important historical facts and events; their descriptions, titles and results have been falsified and distorted in an ugly way with premeditation and deliberation.

    .. It is enough to confirm that all European countries have not known any military coups since World War II 1939 ~ 1945 until today; As for the countries of South America and most of the countries of Africa, they are still living in a stage of bloody military coups almost every two years; and in the same way: a group of army and intelligence officers kill the president of the country and his assistants and seize power without any clear constitutional or political justification or right.

    .. We clearly believe that all the military coups witnessed by the countries of the world, especially in Africa and Latin America, are ((international intelligence wars by proxy)) and each of the major countries possesses a group of secret intelligence mechanisms and means through which it can overthrow the ruling regimes through ((surprise military intelligence coups)).. We also believe and even believe that these military coups will continue in most countries of Africa and Latin America as long as the ideological, economic and military conflicts continue clearly between the major countries..

    Based on the concept of revolution, we can assert that the events of the Syrian crisis are a popular uprising that began in mid-March 2011, when demonstrations broke out in several Syrian cities demanding freedoms, the release of political detainees from prisons, and the lifting of the state of emergency. Then, with time, the ceiling of demands gradually increased until it reached the complete overthrow of Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

  • Lladro Produces ‘Karabagh Horse’ Porcelain Figurines as Propaganda for Azerbaijan

    Lladro Produces ‘Karabagh Horse’ Porcelain Figurines as Propaganda for Azerbaijan

    Regrettably, the only things that matter in this world are money and power. All the other issues that naïve people put a value on, such as truth, justice, and human rights, are self-defeating delusions. Rich and powerful people and countries can do almost anything they want. The only ones that can stop them are those who possess greater power. The weak are at the mercy of the powerful wolves.

    These thoughts came to my mind as I received an email from the Lladro Company, which is world famous for the porcelain figurines it produces in Valencia, Spain. A lot of people have valuable collections of Lladro figurines in their homes. They are frequently given as gifts.

    karabakh horse alyetmez photo 1867 Karabag ati
    Karabakh horse – Alyetmez, photo 1867

    The email I received from Lladro was a pitch to sell its latest porcelain figurine named: ‘Karabakh Horse.’ Next to the image of a horse, the email stated: “The Karabakh horse is a symbol of Azerbaijan’s cultural legacy and its indomitable spirit. Our artists have portrayed it in porcelain, underscoring the elegance and beauty of this unique breed. Following ancient tradition, the horse is covered with a Karabakh rug with its rightly famous patterns decorated in intense colors and golden lusters. Discover all the details of this specimen, available in a limited edition.”

    In the above short paragraph, Lladro made several factual errors. First of all, the Karabagh horse cannot be a symbol of Azerbaijan since Karabagh (Artsakh) is a part of historic Armenia. To make matters worse, Lladro falsely added that this horse is a symbol of Azerbaijan’s “cultural legacy and its indomitable spirit.” There is no such thing as Azerbaijan’s ‘cultural legacy’ since the country is a little over 100 years old. I also don’t understand Lladro’s reference to Azerbaijan’s ‘indomitable spirit.’ Where did that ‘indomitable spirit’ come from? Azerbaijan, during its short-lived history, has engaged in barbaric beheadings of Armenian prisoners of war, committed massacres, ethnic cleansing, and genocide, destroyed Armenian churches and cultural monuments, distorted history, and committed massive violations of the human rights of its own citizens, including the jailing of journalists and political dissidents on trumped-up charges.

    Since I know very little about horses, I searched about the ‘Karabagh horse’ on the Internet. Here is what I found: “The Karabagh horse breed is influenced by Persian horses and other breeds like the Akhal-Teke, Kabarda, Turkoman, and Arabian horses.” The Akhal-Teke horse originates from Turkmenistan, while the Kabarda from the Kabardino-Balkaria Republic in Russia. I don’t see any reference to Azerbaijan in that sentence.

    In another obvious error, Lladro explained in its email that ‘Karabakh Horse’ means ‘golden horse.’ This is false. The name Karabagh is composed of two words: ‘Kara’ which means black in Turkish and ‘bagh’ which means garden in Farsi. Therefore, Karabagh means Black Garden.

    Lladro is selling the ‘Karabakh Horse’ porcelain figurine for $6,580 each. It is a ‘limited edition’ production with only 750 copies. It weighs 20 lbs. The dimensions are: 17 inches (high), 20 inches (wide), and 8 inches (long).

    To promote the ‘Karabakh Horse’ figurine, Lladro held its unveiling at the Shirvanshah Palace Museum in Baku, where the Azerbaijan National Conservatory provided a live musical concert. The guest speaker was Yashar Quluzade, the owner of the largest number of actual Karabagh horses.

    To represent Karabagh as part of Azerbaijan, and promote the Karabagh horse worldwide, Pres. Aliyev gifted in 2022 a Karabagh horse and two equestrian-themed sculptures to Queen Elizabeth II of England. This is the second time that the Queen has received a Karabagh horse from Azerbaijan. The first one was in 1956.

    Since the only thing Lladro executives care about is profit, Armenians and their supporters should counter the use of the Karabagh horse as a tool for Azeri propaganda by boycotting the purchase of all Lladro products. Complaints should be sent to Ana Rodríguez Nogueiras, the Chief Executive Officer of Lladro. Her email is: [email protected].

    I do not know what kind of business arrangements have been made between Azerbaijan’s leaders and Lladro. Who is getting what percentage of the sales and who is personally benefiting from the resulting income?

    It is surprising that the Karabagh Horse figurines are still not sold out since they were launched several months ago. Since Azeri leaders donate lavish gifts to foreign dignitaries visiting Azerbaijan, why haven’t they purchased all 750 copies of the Karabagh Horse porcelain and given them as souvenirs? I am certain that Pres. Aliyev, who is a billionaire, can easily afford to purchase all 750 copies at $6,580 each for a total cost of $4.9 million.

  • The axis of Turkish foreign policy towards Iraq between security and defense and diplomacy

    The axis of Turkish foreign policy towards Iraq between security and defense and diplomacy

    Yalman Haceroğlu writes: The axis of Turkish foreign policy towards Iraq between security and defense and diplomacy

    Before drawing the strategic map of Turkish policy towards Iraq through the constants, determinants and calculations of Iraq in Turkish foreign policy, we must shed light on the imagination that contains sentences and phrases to explain the purpose of international policy.

    Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527), an Italian thinker, philosopher and politician, says that the purpose of politics is to maintain the strength of the state and work to maintain and strengthen it, as these means based on the state’s foreign policy make it achieve internal strength and enable it to expand its authority abroad.

    On the other hand, Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831), a German philosopher, believes that the state is based on the principle of the authority of the will, and from this standpoint the state must be independent in its external relations and not subject to the authority of another state. That is, it works according to what its will alone dictates.

    By studying the opinions and theories of philosophers in politics and building an independent state, we must determine the components of building an independent state, and the source of these components is thought and politics, and in other words, political thought in building a state.

    First, some researchers went to the point that politics is a person’s awareness of the creatures around him and the direct exchange of benefits with these creatures. Then this individuality turned into societalism through the development of human ideas that enabled him the ability and capacity to be an inventor. This transformation from individualism of relationship and benefit to collectivism of relationship and benefit was the role of politics. At each stage, man had to realize organisation and order, and since these two things require thought, which is the main driver of politics. Thus, man entered a new phase, which is the overlap between thought and politics.

    The overlap between thought and politics includes three stages according to the aforementioned Italian thinker and philosopher, Niccolo Machiavelli: –

    The first stage: the practical apply of political work

    The second stage: the mental practice of political work, which includes writing, publishing ,literature, presentation and expression.

    The third stage: Combining practical apply and mental practice, and led to output of balanced equation between thought and politics that appears and as two parallel lines. However, there remains a disparity in the mentality level between those who practice apply and in terms of the diversity of ideas. The mentality level will not disappear as long as there is a disparity in the culture possessed by politicians and as long as there is sufficient space for personal interests and whims in some souls and as long as there are mental illnesses that we can call political disability that may be apparent or hidden but appear in behavior.

    In another context, Machiavelli believes that there are qualities and characteristics that the leader of the state or its prince must emulate, including shrewdness, insight and acumen that qualify the prince of the state to rely on his military strength without interacting with the outside and without resorting to additional forces or military assistance in terms of land, air and sea equipment and mechanisms.

    When we examine these components in the nature of Turkish foreign policy and in Turkish internal affairs, we see it necessary to formulate these questions: Does the Turkish Republic have the authority of will? Is the Republic of Turkey an independent state in its foreign relations? How has Turkey been able to maintain its position of power? How do we view the overlap and interaction between politics and thought among Turkish politicians and those concerned with the Arab file, especially the Iraqi file, and the relationship between the intelligence establishment and the diplomatic establishment? To answer these questions, we will remove the curtain from the military and political scene in the Republic of Turkey, in addition to the statements of Turkish leaders, headed by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, President of the Republic of Turkey. We can consider 2023 the year of unprecedented Turkish defense industries. Turkey has sought with all its weight to standardize, fortify and strengthen its security forces in order to eliminate external dependency and create a long-term military defense vision through the use of modern technologies in military manufacturing and defense.

    erdogan yalman haceroglu

    With its independent military industry, Turkey has produced the ATAK 2 attack helicopter, the combat drone and the jet trainer aircraft. Turkey was also not far from producing air defense systems and producing combat helicopter engines. In the field of armor, the Turkish military industry has produced the Tay tanks.

    In the naval force, the largest Turkish ship, Anadolu TCG, entered the Turkish Navy’s arsenal.

    The foreign policy of the Turkish state has adapted to the authority of the will in the state. Whereas the independent state is represented by its true entity through its foreign policy and not allowing interference in its internal affairs. The approach of foreign policy is the solid means to maintain the security and independence of the state by building a wall that prevents external interference in the internal affairs of that state. Here, Niccolo Machiavelli has proven his saying that the goal of politics is to maintain the power of the state and the expansion of its authority abroad, but in our opinion it must be in harmony with international decisions without affecting the sovereignty of the countries with which it deals diplomatically and politically.. These constants and determinants are among the priorities of Turkish foreign policy.

    Turkey has recorded in its strategic file towards Iraq the pivotal points through an equation, which includes on the first side security and defense and on the second side of the equation there is intelligence diplomacy that forms foreign policy. That is, the Turkish Republic has drawn up a roadmap in its foreign policy towards Iraq since 2017, indicating the strongholds of the terrorist PKK organization on it in order to carry out military operations deep inside Iraqi territory in order to preserve its security and national borders.

    Here the question arises, how did Turkey draw this military and political strategy together ?

    Turkish foreign policy has focused on the two dimensions that included intelligence and diplomatic work since Dr. Hakan Fidan led the foreign policy portfolio in 2017, the head of the Turkish Intelligence Agency who assumed responsibility in 2010.

    Fidan relied on applied intelligence to formulate Turkish foreign policy.

    On the other hand, Hakan Fidan drew a foreign policy based on intelligence information. This is the practical apply of political work that constitutes the first stage in the overlap between thought and politics mentioned above, as he practiced political work in the Turkish presidency as an advisor and a foreign worker in NATO and his membership in the International Atomic Energy Agency and before all this his work as an officer in the Turkish army. Fidan also possesses the mental practice of political work through his writings and theses for obtaining master’s and doctoral degrees, and this is the second stage of the overlap between thought and politics, as Fidan combined political and mental work.

    As a result of Hakan Fidan’s intelligence background and his extensive knowledge of Iraqi affairs in light of the experience accumulated through building diverse and different relationships with politicians from different Iraqi sects and bureaucratic circles, this constituted a noticeable shift towards policies that are more focused on the security dimension, heading towards curbing the threat posed by the terrorist organization PKK. With his appointment as head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on June 3, 2023, Turkish foreign policy in the Iraqi file has gained the ability to develop in different directions. During the years that Hakan Fidan led the Turkish intelligence service, he laid the foundations for bilateral relations with several effective communication channels in the Iraqi arena. It seems that he had built a good relationship with the head of the Iraqi intelligence service at the time, Mustafa Al-Kazemi. More importantly, he strengthened the bonds of close friendship with the head of the Hashd ELshabi Authority, Faleh Fayyadh, who is the real political actor in Iraq. He met with him many times in Baghdad and Ankara. Turkey also gave full confidence to the Sunni businessman Sheikh Khamis Khanjar, leader of the Azm Alliance, who emerged to the surface of Iraqi politics in recent years and became one of Turkey’s main partners, who initially allied with the leader of the EL Takddum (progress)Movement and former Iraqi Parliament Speaker Mohammed al-Halbousi, who formed the Sovereignty Alliance. However, this alliance collapsed after Mohammed al-Halbousi changed his political course. In terms of security and defense, Hakan Fidan achieved solid ground through foreign policy and diplomatic work The uniqueness of creating a legal outlet in agreement with the Iraqi side to protect the borders and Turkish national security by launching military operations inside Iraqi territory against the terrorist organization PKK that threatens Turkish national security, within a previous agreement with the Iraqi government that allows the Turkish army to penetrate Iraqi territory to fight the terrorist organization.

    Also, the Iraqi Minister of Defense, Sheikh Thabet Muhammad Saeed Al-Aybek Al-Abbasi, had a close relationship with Hakan Fidan when he ran for the Iraqi Council of Representatives elections in 2018 within the Nineveh Our Identity coalition, which won a seat inside the Iraqi parliament. It is noteworthy that Sheikh Thabet Al-Abbasi founded the Iraqi Turkmen Salvation Front in 2017.

    The Iraqi Minister of Defense, Sheikh Thabet Al-Abbasi, met with the Turkish Foreign Minister, Hakan Fidan, in Baghdad in August 2023.

    Sii lider Ammar el hekim Ammar al Hakim
    Ammar al-Hakim

    If we shed light on the Shia file in Turkish foreign policy, we find that Turkey has not marginalized any of the Shia politicians, and on every occasion it stands with the most prominent Shia leaders. On the other hand Turkey has special relations with Sheyh Ammar al-Hakim, the former head of the Supreme Islamic Council and head of the AL- Hikma Movement. In one of my television interviews with Sheyh. Ammar al-Hakim, I asked him about the Turkish role in Iraq, and he answered by saying:

    Turkey represents serious policy in the region, as it is the largest economic partner of Iraq, and we look at Turkey as a strategic ally of Iraq, as there are dozens of agreements signed between Iraq and Turkey, it connects the Arabs with the West.

    Thus, we find that Turkey has historical, economic and cultural relations with Iraq, as it is a large Islamic country with its status and role in the region, and the Turkish Republic is Iraq’s window to the West.

    Turkey has been able to address hot issues in the region and in Iraq by adopting a wise and balanced policy. We are always in favor of strengthening bilateral relations with Turkey.

    It always stands at equal distances with the spectrum of the Iraqi people.. and most importantly, Sheyh. Ammar al-Hakim said something that most Iraqis may not know, where he said:

    We have a special and personal relationship with the Turks, as my wife’s mother is Turkish, meaning we have intermarriage relations with the Turks.

    As for the Turkish foreign policy towards the Kurdish file in Iraq:

    It is no secret that the Kurdish political arena includes the two main Kurdish parties (the KDP and PUK )

    The KDP , led by Masoud Barzani, is characterized by its proximity to Turkey through economic and political ties, as the Kurdistan Democratic Party adopts a policy hostile to the terrorist organization PKK, and this policy is an important strategic line for Turkey.. In 2011, Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan went to Erbil and opened Erbil International Airport, and he was then serving as Prime Minister.. Then the visits between the two sides were repeated.

    Turkey’s relationship with the PUK that led by Pavel Talabani, who is loyal to Iran, is tense due to the party’s support for the terrorist organization PKK. On many occasions, the Turkish government called on the PUK abandon its policy of supporting the terrorist organization.

    Turkish foreign policy towards Iraq has been based on two main pillars since 2003.

    First: The unity of Iraqi territory (geopolitical security), as Turkey considered that preserving the unity of Iraqi territory is related to its national security, and the Kirkuk issue falls within this framework.

    Second: Stability in Iraq (economic security). For Ankara, the stability of Iraq is a strategic gain for the continuity of trade exchange between the two countries.

    adham tok demir ethem
    Adham Touq Demir

    On July 12, 2004, an official delegation from the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs headed by Ambassador Adham Tok Demir visited Kirkuk. The delegation included figures from various institutions in the Turkish government. It was the first official visit to Kirkuk after the fall of the former regime. During this visit, I was able to meet the ambassador. Adham Touq Demir in a television interview at the Kirkuk Governorate Diwan.. I asked the ambassador about the reasons for their visit to Kirkuk, and he answered saying:

    Iraq is one of the important countries in the region that

    Iraq is distinguished by its possession of huge human and natural resources. We also hope that the Iraqi people will live in peace and stability. Kirkuk represents a miniature Iraq that includes all nationalities and religions, and they are linked to each other by ties of kinship and neighborhood. We will also meet with all Turkmen, Kurdish, Arab and Assyrian parties, and we will visit Turkmen, Kurdish and Arab villages. We are also ready to extend a helping hand to all Iraqi brothers.

    From the perspective of my journalistic and media profession, and through conducting dozens of television and press interviews with Turkish leaders, starting with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, passing through the officials of the Iraqi file in the Turkish Foreign Ministry, and ending with Turkish ambassadors and diplomats inside Iraq from 2003 to 2020, I would like to respectfully present some recommendations to His Excellency the Turkish Foreign Minister, Dr. Hakan Fidan, regarding Iraqi-Turkish relations. In return, I held dozens of meetings with Iraqi leaders regarding bilateral relations between Iraq and Turkey, and within the framework of these meetings, I outline these recommendations for the Iraqi-Turkish interest.

    1- Opening research and study centers on Iraqi affairs to draw up political, economic and security strategies.

    2- Appointing intelligent and trustworthy advisors in Turkish missions inside Iraq who are fluent in both Arabic and Turkish.

    3- Appointing electronic committees to respond to the deviant voices that appear here and there and to respond to the slander against Turkey.

    4- Not relying on figures and partners from semi-intellectuals.

    5- Not relying on political figures and those who have political hibernation.

    6- Turkey must be careful in choosing its allied .

    7- Allocating the necessary space on the TRT Arabic channel for Iraqi affairs within political programs.

    The channel lacks political programs with Iraqi decision-makers and due to the importance of Iraqi-Turkish relations, a section of news and political programs must be allocated that are concerned with Iraqi affairs.

    As we were in the Iraqi Turkmen Eli satellite channel, we used to produce programs and political news that specialize in Iraqi-Turkish relations within meetings with Turkish representatives and diplomats in order to bring viewpoints closer and show. Facts for Iraqis about Türkiye’s right to carry out some political or military operations and in return to hold meetings with Iraqi officials about relations between the two countries in different places, but this satellite channel now lacks such programs.

  • Letters by Armenian Genocide Eyewitnesses Should be Published in Several Languages

    Letters by Armenian Genocide Eyewitnesses Should be Published in Several Languages

    Last month, I wrote an article about the 8,000 letters that the Armenian survivors of the (Ottoman) Hamidian Massacres of the 1890s had written to Catholicos Khrimian Hayrig, describing their tragic experiences and seeking his assistance for their basic necessities of food and shelter.

    This week, I came across another extremely valuable book compiled by Bedros Donabedian in 1922, titled, “The Cry of the Tormented” (Tsayn Darabelots), published in Paris in Armenian. Donabedian was an officer of the British High Commission in Constantinople between 1918 and 1922. The book contains over 300 letters written by the survivors of the Armenian Genocide during the years 1915 to 1919 describing their heart-wrenching eyewitness accounts, while the atrocities were taking place. Many of them perished after writing these letters.

    Here are excerpts from some of the letters written in the midst of the Armenian Genocide:

    –From Vartig Dzniguian. Garin. Feb. 6, 1919: “My soul, you ask about my brother. The poor fellow is free from this miserable world. Those who survive the troubling conditions of this evil world and depart to heaven are happier than those who are living in this world.”

    –From Satenig. Der-Zor. No date: “My brother, we started marching through bloody roads, advancing toward Malatya…. Here, over 170 male adults were snatched from our ill-fated caravan and all of them were tortured to death in the presence of their own families by the order of the Kurd Bey. I am the only survivor of my family. I witnessed how one by one they were viciously killed or died from torture and hunger. I will also face the same fate…. Your miserable sister.”

    –From Vartan. Erzerum. March 8, 1917: “Dear, we survived. The rest of the boys were shot; but my daughter-in-law, Khachinga, was Turkified. Should you ask me about your family members, I have no information about them. But, Ohan, Setrag and my Baghdasar were shot. If you ask about your father-in-law’s family members, all the adults were killed, but the children are alive. If you ask about Tato’s family, the adult members are killed, but the children are alive. If you ask about the Oshkers, all the adults were killed. All of Mirak’s family survived and live among the Kurds. Lern’s adult family members were killed. The rest are alive. Sako’s adult family members were killed. The rest are alive. My dear, I can’t put on paper the many tortures and difficulties we went through to survive. We stayed hungry for weeks or collected tasteless grass which we ate without salt so we would not die from hunger. For an entire year, we faced such difficulties. We were almost always hungry. We could not find barley bread to eat, until one day God opened a door for us. We came here, where the Russian authorities provide us daily with a half-ration of bread. So we live hungry and get upset. Many refugees died from hunger and cold, deprived of everything they had. The Turks thoroughly looted us, took all our money, and left us naked.”

    –From Stepan Garabedian. Batum. April 6, 1917: “Brother, we have no one else with us who made it to Russia. I want you to know that I picked up two of my children; and, facing death, I marched through snow and valleys and, putting my trust in God, I survived.”

    –From Sarkis. Perri. February 17, 1917: “Dear cousin, if you ask me about your family members, no one is left except Assadour’s wife who was snatched by the Turks. They shot Assadour along with my uncle…. I lost all my family members. The only survivors are my brother and I. All the rest, including the children, have perished.”

    –From Mother Sofo. Erzerum. January 24, 1917: “My children, the sad news came and will tell us word for word what was witnessed. Darkness has engulfed our world. Having escaped such tortures — hungry, thirsty, barefoot — we arrived at Eriza and Erzerum with fear in our hearts. What is going to happen to the people up in the mountains, in the cold and without a bed to lie on? A black grave! The pain is strangling me. It’s difficult to write the names of the dead. I try to stay strong, but tears fall from my eyes and roll down when I remember the more than 100 young lives who died from fear and torture in front of my eyes.”

    It is extremely important to locate the original copies of these most valuable eyewitness testimonies. Donabedian, in his 1922 book, mentioned two addresses: 1) Printing house: Hagop Turabian, 227 Boulevard Raspail, Paris, France; 2) Donabedian’s own address: 53 Addison Gardens, London, W. 14, UK.

    Individuals or Armenian organizations in Paris or London should try to locate these archives. If the originals are discovered, they should be sent to the Armenian Genocide Museum in Yerevan.

    This book was translated into English in 2015 by Dr. Garo Khachigian and edited by Mary Ellen Hewsen at the request of the Armenian Museum of Fresno. Even though the English translation is not published as a book, its contents can be downloaded from Kindle through Amazon for $9.95.

    This book should be published and distributed worldwide in several languages. Besides the Armenian original and the English version, these letters have been translated into Turkish, Russian, Spanish and partly German, none of which is published.

    All those interested in making a contribution towards the printing costs of this valuable book in English, can send an email to: [email protected].