Author: Harut Sassounian

  • Pashinyan’s Remarks at Diaspora Summit: Wrong Ideas, Wrong timing, Wrong Place

    Pashinyan’s Remarks at Diaspora Summit: Wrong Ideas, Wrong timing, Wrong Place

    I would like to comment on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s shocking statements at the Global Armenian Summit in Yerevan on September 18, 2024.

    For an hour and a half Pashinyan answered the moderator’s questions in front of the gathered hundreds of Diaspora Armenians from around the world.

    Before we delve into the substance of Pashinyan’s answers, his basic problem is that he often says whatever comes to his mind at the moment, without giving it much thought.

    On September 19, 2024, in the presence of a large number of Diaspora Armenians, Pashinyan made three major mistakes: 1) he said very wrong things; 2) he said them to the wrong people (Diaspora Armenians); and 3) he picked the most inappropriate time, a few days before the anniversary of Armenia’s Independence, to disparage his own patriotism as well as the patriotism of all Armenians.

    Here are excerpts from Pashinyan’s shocking remarks on patriotism: “I will tell you as I tell my family, the biggest problem we had is our patriotism. Moreover, there is no derision, no sarcasm in what I am saying. The biggest problem we had, the biggest problem I had was my patriotism with the perception that this model of patriotism has nothing to do with our homeland. It is simply an imperial model of patriotism, which was introduced into our social psychology through books, films, texts, speeches, heroes, characters, names and images.”

    Pashinyan illogically told the audience that “this model of patriotism is aimed at excluding the existence of an independent and sovereign state…. But, this model of patriotism is so that we should not have a homeland, but only love it in theory, have a theoretical Armenia and love it, hanging it on the wall, in toasts, on cakes, but not on the ground, which is what happened to us in the last several hundred years.”

    Thereafter, Pashinyan blamed Armenians and ‘others’: “I’m talking so much about a garrison. I understand that many people think I have in mind that others have turned us into a garrison. No, we have turned ourselves into a garrison. We have turned the Republic of Armenia into a garrison by believing that this is not a country which has to secure the well-being of its citizens, but rather a base through which we should reach other goals…. Others saw that there is a lot of fertile ground and planted seeds to reap the fruits necessary for them …. For our own good, we must recognize the destructive aspect of our patriotism. It would have been in the best interests of the Republic of Armenia if I were not a patriot. That is the greatest harm I have caused — the love I have given to my country and my people…. However, the main problem is that neither you nor I are the creators of that love. That is an imperial love, shaped by the empire, instilled in us,” Pashinyan said.

    Pashinyan then falsely attributed Armenians’ efforts to commemorate the Armenian Genocide to manipulations by the Soviet Union, ‘allowing’ Soviet Armenia to commemorate the Armenian Genocide, in order to counter Turkey and NATO. He wrongly claimed that the Soviet Union allowed the Genocide Monument to be built in Yerevan at a time when the Soviet Union and the United States were on the verge of a nuclear war. Thus, he denigrated the Armenian Genocide by shamefully describing it as a tool for Soviet propaganda.

    Most of what Pashinyan said was wrong, disrespectful and anti-Armenian. Pashinyan made these statements in front of the hundreds of patriotic Armenians who had come all the way to Yerevan from around the world to show their support for the homeland, only to be told that patriotism is a ‘destructive’ and foreign-inspired concept. His words were also ill-timed coming just days before the 33rd Anniversary of Armenia’s Independence. This is the deliberate policy of the Pashinyan regime to create a split between Armenia and the Diaspora, and divide Armenia’s population into supporters of the former and current leaders.

    During the same interview, Pashinyan made another erroneous and highly inappropriate remark, criticizing and dismissing the humanitarian aid sent by the Diaspora, in front of the gathered hundreds of Armenians from around the world.

    He said: “I would like very much that Armenia stop being an object of compassion — to get out of that situation. Of course, I don’t know if — it is not always that my instructions are correctly implemented — for example, I have forbidden — I don’t know how much they are implanting it — that they [the Diaspora] send whatever used clothing, whatever used cars, I don’t know, send half worn out tires, send half worn out shoes for state institutions, I don’t know, for orphanages. Pardon me, but the Republic of Armenia is in a position to provide the minimum for institutions falling under its responsibility. In other words, from the perception of sending used things to Armenia, and then for months to publicize that — I don’t know — so much medicine has been sent which has a one-week expiration date. I am not happy with that, I am in conflict with that perception of the Republic of Armenia. The Republic of Armenia is a sovereign state which has complexities [difficulties]. But, pardon me, which country does not have complexities?”

    Pashinyan’s disparaging remarks about the aid sent to Armenia by the Diaspora are deeply insulting. He should not talk about things he knows nothing about. I am the President of Armenia Artsakh Fund which has sent to Armenia in the past 35 years over one billion dollars of aid, mostly medicines. We strictly follow all Armenian laws and procedures. No one can send to Armenia medicines that expire in one week. Donors need to obtain in advance an import license from the Ministry of Health which requires that all medicines have a minimum of one year expiration date. Otherwise, they are confiscated and destroyed by customs officers.

    Instead of criticizing the Diaspora’s aid, the Armenian government should issue a list of priority items that the population needs and encourage the potential donors to send those items. Pashinyan is acting as if he is the Prime Minister of a wealthy country with a population that needs nothing. Regrettably, that is not the case. Instead of disparaging the aid sent by the Diaspora, the Armenian government should express its gratitude to all donors and encourage them to do more.

    The Prime Minister’s false statements about patriotism and humanitarian aid left many in the audience in shock. Pashinyan does not seem to realize that his words have consequences on Armenia and Armenians. He is no longer an irresponsible street protester who can say anything that comes to his mind.

  • Text of UN-Azerbaijan Agreement Revealed For the Climate Summit to be Held in Baku

    Text of UN-Azerbaijan Agreement Revealed For the Climate Summit to be Held in Baku

    As the UN Climate Summit (COP29) is set to be held in Baku starting on November 11, it is becoming increasingly clear that Azerbaijan should not have been allowed to host such a prestigious gathering. In addition to Armenian protests about ethnic cleansing and the illegal detention of Armenian prisoners in Baku, there have been worldwide objections about the Conference being held in Baku because of Azerbaijan’s flagrant and persistent violations of human rights.

    On October 10, Human Rights Watch (HRW) published an article titled, “COP29 Host Country Agreement Lacks Rights Protections: Azerbaijan Should Guarantee Rights of Civil Society Participants at Climate Conference.” HRW expressed its serious concerns about Baku hosting the Conference.

    HRW obtained a copy of the signed UN-Azerbaijan Agreement which has not been made public, despite the fact that UN members had insisted “that host country agreements should be made publicly available and should uphold international human rights law.”

    HRW urged the UN to “publicly call upon the Azerbaijani government to respect its human rights obligations and facilitate a rights-respecting climate conference.” Amnesty International also issued a similar request in July. It is important that the Agreement protect not only the rights of Azerbaijani citizens, but also the safety and security of thousands of international participants of the Conference.

    When I clicked on the link that HRW had included in its article, I found the text of the 20-page-long Agreement signed between the UN and the Government of Azerbaijan in August 2024. HRW complained that the Agreement “is replete with significant shortcomings and ambiguities on the protections for participants’ rights.” For example, while the Agreement states that Conference participants “shall enjoy immunity from legal process in respect of words spoken or written and any act performed by them,” it requires that they “respect Azerbaijani laws and not interfere in its ‘internal affairs.’”

    Here are the highlights of the signed Agreement:

    –“The Government [of Azerbaijan] is committed to uphold the fundamental human rights, dignity and worth of the human person, and equal rights of all participants participating in the Pre-sessional Meetings/Conference/UNFCC Meetings [United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change].”

    –“The area within the Baku Olympic Stadium where the Conference and the Pre-sessional Meetings shall be held, including any area immediately outside it, will be under the direct supervision and control of the United Nations Department of Safety and Security….”

    –“Host country support and technical personnel shall be guided by the highest ethical and professional standards and are expected to behave with integrity and respect. The Government shall ensure that relevant standards are fully understood.”

    –“The Government shall be responsible, at its expense, for such police protection and security as may be required to ensure the efficient running…of the Conference without interference of any kind.”

    –“Security within the Conference premises shall be the responsibility of the UN Department of Safety and Security…. Security outside the Conference premises shall be the responsibility of the Government…. Such security personnel shall be guided by the highest ethical and professional standards and are expected to behave with integrity and respect. The Government shall ensure that relevant standards are fully understood.”

    –All Participants “shall enjoy the privileges and immunities within the Republic of Azerbaijan,” under the UN “Convention on the Privileges and Immunities…. The representatives of observer organizations/other persons…shall enjoy immunity from legal process in respect of words spoken or written and any act performed by them in connection with their participation” in the Conference.

    –All Participants “have the right of entry into and exit from the Republic of Azerbaijan and no impediments shall be imposed on their transit to and from the Conference premises.” Exceptions can be made in case the Government presents to the UN “well founded objections based on law concerning the entry of a particular individual. Such objections must relate to specific criminal, security matters and not to nationality, religion, professional or political affiliation.”

    –The Conference premises are “protected…and access thereto is subject to the authority and control of the [UN] secretariat. These premises shall be inviolable for the duration of the Conference.”

    –All Participants enjoying “privileges and immunities provided by this Agreement…have the duty to respect the laws and regulations in force in the Republic of Azerbaijan and have the duty not to interfere in its internal affairs.”

    –In addition to paying the expenses of hosting the Conference, the Government of Azerbaijan will reimburse the UN $5,811,800 for the costs incurred in planning the Conference, airfare for UN personnel, and technical services.

    The Agreement finally states that “upon the conclusion of the Conference, the [UN] secretariat will issue a report regarding the implementation of the terms of this Agreement, including on lessons learned and challenges faced, to the [UN] Bureau.”

    We will find out at the end of the Conference if Azerbaijan has abided by the terms of the Agreement, particularly in respect to human rights, including suppression by police of public protests by Azerbaijani citizens during the Conference.

  • Next week’s UN Climate Summit in Baku Will Further Enrich Ruling Aliyev Clan

    Next week’s UN Climate Summit in Baku Will Further Enrich Ruling Aliyev Clan

    Over the years, there have been several reports exposing the billions of dollars that Azerbaijan’s ruling Aliyev family has embezzled from the state coffers and the large amount of bribes the government has given to various European and U.S. officials.

    It is, therefore, not surprising that the next week’s COP29 Climate Summit in Baku is another example of how the ruling elite takes advantage of every opportunity to line its pockets.

    The OCCRP (Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project) exposed Azerbaijan’s scandalous actions titled: “‘Official Partners’ of Azerbaijan’s COP29 Climate Summit Linked to Ruling Aliyev Family and Their Inner Circle… Everywhere this year’s international visitors in Baku look, they’ll see companies that have been linked to the family of Azerbaijan’s authoritarian president, Ilham Aliyev.” This extensive report was written by James Dowsett, Kelly Bloss, Fatima Karimova, and Eli Moskowitz.

    OCCRP described Azerbaijan as “the most authoritarian country to ever host the event…. Whether it’s mining, banking, hospitality, or construction, there is hardly a major industry in Azerbaijan” that the ruling Aliyev family has not dominated. “As a result, the Aliyevs and their inner circle have built up staggering wealth, much of it held overseas or tied up in property abroad. Even the president’s 11-year-old son owned a London office building.”

    Here are the links between the inner circle of the family of President Ilham Aliyev and the ‘official partners’ of the Climate Summit:

    1) “Pres. Aliyev’s daughter’s ex-husband [Emin Agalarov]… won a $5.2-million government contract [without any competitive tender process] to host 5,000 COP29 guests at his luxurious Sea Breeze Resort on the Caspian Sea.” The guests “will stay in ultra-luxurious rooms… with access to a seven-kilometer-long beach, over 50 bars and restaurants, and 60 swimming pools.” The six Azeri journalists who exposed this arrangement are now sitting in a Baku jail.

    2) “PASHA Holdings, one of the biggest companies in Azerbaijan, owns many of the host city’s top hotels and has extensive interests in tourism, construction, insurance, and banking. PASHA belongs to Aliyev’s two adult daughters [Leyla and Arzu[.” The company’s deputy board chairman, Mir Jamal Pashayev “is a cousin of Azerbaijan’s first lady and vice president Mehriban Aliyeva.”

    3) “Azersun Holding… is chaired by [Abdolbari Gozal] the uncle of [Hassan Gozel] who set up three companies in the British Virgin Islands for the Aliyeva sisters.”

    4) “Silk Way West Airlines… is responsible for transporting materials and supplies to the conference. It’s owned by a former state official, but has been previously linked to one of the Aliyeva daughters through a sister company, Silk Way Bank…. The airline is ultimately owned by a former state official, Zaur Akhundov, but it has also been linked to the first family in the past through a sister company: A 2010 investigation by Radio Free Europe found that Arzu Aliyeva, the president’s younger daughter, was one of three owners of Silk Way Bank, the former financial arm of Silk Way Group, which the airline is also part of.”

    5) “GILTEX, a firm that controls nearly three quarters of the local textile market and until last year was part of a conglomerate [Gilan Holding] in which the president’s daughters held a majority stake [alongside the children of Kamaladdin Heydarov, Azerbaijan’s Emergency Situations Minister. Heydarov is also a member of the COP29 organizing committee]. Gilan Holding was liquidated in 2023.”

    6) “SOCAR Green… is a subsidiary of Azerbaijan’s state oil company, SOCAR, which plays an outsized role in the oil-producing nation’s economy.”

    7) Bank ABB, “rebranded in 2021, but under its former name, the International Bank of Azerbaijan, made unflattering headlines for the central role it played in the $2.9-billion money laundering scandal known as the Azerbaijani Laundromat. An account at the bank was used as a key conduit for moving a large portion of these funds.  The bank’s former chairman was jailed in 2016 for stealing almost $3 billion from the institution. His wife, who lived in the U.K., was later served with the country’s first-ever ‘unexplained wealth order,’ with British authorities demanding that she prove her vast wealth had a legal origin. She later agreed to forfeit a $17.8-million mansion and a golf club to the British state.”

    OCCRP further stated that it “has been reporting on Azerbaijan — and exposing corruption, human rights abuses, and self-dealing — for over a decade.” Here are the highlights of some of the reports:

    1) “How the ruling Aliyev family profited from a currency collapse, how it sought to buy Kyrygz gold fields, and how it appeared to siphon off a staggering $1 billion from the acquisition of a telecom company.”

    2) “A 2016 investigation from data in the Panama Papers that revealed how the [Aliyev] family used offshore structures and multiple layers of ownership to secretly hold a fortune.”

    3) “The jailing earlier this year of a group of independent journalists on trumped-up charges ahead of February’s presidential election.”

    4) “How American lobbyists have promoted and taken money from the regime, and how the ‘Azerbaijani Laundromat’ was used to funnel billions of dollars out of the country on behalf of its elite.”

  • Why Can’t Pashinyan Remember the Document He Signed at the End of the 2020 War?

    Why Can’t Pashinyan Remember the Document He Signed at the End of the 2020 War?

    It is incomprehensible that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan would forget important details of the document he signed with President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan and President Vladimir Putin of Russia, at the end of the 2020 Artsakh War.

    More incomprehensible is the fact that while Pashinyan is distorting some of the provisions of the 2020 agreement, he is blaming others for misrepresenting it. Shockingly, he then challenges them to read the text of the agreement, reminding them that it is publicly available.

    Pashinyan signed the 2020 agreement that called for the unblocking of “all economic and transport connections in the region,” specifically mentioning a road that will cross Armenia to link mainland Azerbaijan to its exclave of Nakhichevan. Since 2020 he has repeated dozens of times that Armenia is ready “this morning” to allow Azerbaijanis to travel to Nakhichevan through Armenia, not once mentioning, until his August 31, 2024 press conference, that Armenians also have the right to travel through Azerbaijan to Russia.

    Fortunately, Azerbaijan has undermined this provision of the 2020 agreement by insisting that the road that will cross Armenia should be a “corridor” which means that the Armenian territory that Azeris will pass through is to be under Azerbaijan’s control. This is contrary to the provisions of the 2020 agreement and a violation of Armenia’s sovereignty. If it were not for Aliyev’s obstruction, Azeris would have been traveling through Armenia to Nakhichevan for several years by now.

    To make matters worse, as a result of the dispute between Armenia and Russia resulting from Russian peacekeepers not carrying out their duties of protecting Artsakh Armenians and allowing Azerbaijan to completely occupy Artsakh on Sept. 19, 2023, Pashinyan has been wrongly insisting that Russia has no role to play in the Zangezur road. He is thus ignoring point 9 of the agreement he signed in 2020 which stated: “The Border Guard Service of the Russian Federal Security Service shall be responsible for overseeing the transport connections [between Armenia and Azerbaijan].”

    Pashinyan could have been justified in rejecting the Russian role if he had said that the 2020 agreement is no longer valid as both Russia and Azerbaijan have violated many of its provisions, such as the lack of the protection of Artsakh Armenians, completing the occupation of Artsakh, and not returning all the Armenian prisoners of war. However, Pashinyan insists that the Nov. 9, 2020 agreement is still valid, thus contradicting himself.

    Furthermore, Pashinyan wrongly insists that the Nov. 9, 2020 agreement does not mention any Russian role for the Zangezur road. He challenges everyone to read the text of the 2020 agreement and then quotes from its point 9, leaving out the sentence that calls for Russian border guards to oversee the road between mainland Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan.

    To add to the confusion, after insisting that Russia has no role in this road, Pashinyan contradicts himself once again by claiming that Russia is supposed to “monitor” the road, not “oversee” it. Making his argument more bizarre, Pashinyan says that Russian monitors don’t have to be physically present on Armenia’s border to monitor the Zangezur road and that they can monitor it remotely from anywhere else, like Moscow.

    In the meantime, the Zangezur road has become a political football between Azerbaijan, Turkey, Iran, Russia, and the West. For a long time, Russia had been pushing for the opening of the Zangezur road so it can control this critical artery that will link the Central Asian Turkic states with Azerbaijan and Turkey, all the way to Europe. If the West, instead of Russia, oversees this key road, this would reduce Russia’s influence in the region.

    Pashinyan tried to appease all the sides involved in this controversy by suddenly announcing that an international organization could monitor the transit of Azeri goods and people. However, just as quickly, he withdrew his suggestion because Azerbaijan would have never accepted that the same third party would also monitor the transit of Armenian goods through Azerbaijan.

    Azerbaijan and Iran have come up with an alternative solution. They agreed to allow the movement of goods from mainland Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan through a road in Northern Iran. Even though Azerbaijan and Turkey had been pressuring Armenia to open “the Zangezur Corridor,” Armenia and Azerbaijan mysteriously decided to exclude the Zangezur issue from their peace treaty negotiations.

    After Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov accused Armenia of undermining the Zangezur road, Iran issued a stern warning that it will not allow a “Zangezur corridor” through Armenia. Russia quickly patched up its differences with Iran and quieted down the dispute.

    This messy situation could have been avoided if Pashinyan had not suggested the inclusion of the Zangezur road in the 2020 agreement. This is what happens when Prime Minister Pashinyan, rather than solving Armenia’s problems, aggravates them because of his incompetence.

  • Armenia Should Exploit Rifts  Between Azerbaijan and Turkey

    Armenia Should Exploit Rifts  Between Azerbaijan and Turkey

    Countries must have various tools in their arsenal to counter or weaken their enemies. The most obvious one is the use of force. However, Armenia is unable to do that successfully because of its weak military.

    Another possible tool is destabilizing enemy states by creating internal turmoil and inciting their oppressed minorities.

    The third tool is to cause a rift between a hostile nation and its allies using the well-known method of divide and conquer. Armenia is surrounded by Azerbaijan and Turkey, two hostile neighbors that call themselves “one nation, two states.” Therefore, Armenia should try to drive a wedge between them by deepening their disagreements when such opportunities arise.

    In the last 30 years, there have been at least three occasions when Armenia’s two enemies were at odds with each other.

    The first opportunity was in March 1995, when members of Azerbaijan’s military, supported by some factions in Turkey, attempted to carry out a coup d’état against Pres. Heydar Aliyev. They wanted to return to power former Pres. Abulfaz Elchibey who was toppled by Aliyev in 1993.

    Prime Minister of Turkey Tansu Ciller, whose top aides were involved in the coup, gave the green light to get rid of Pres. Aliyev. The coup was foiled when Turkish President Suleyman Demirel became aware of the plot and alerted Pres. Aliyev. According to Wikipedia, the attempted coup “provoked a diplomatic crisis between Turkey and Azerbaijan.”

    This was a missed opportunity for the Armenian government in 1995 to take advantage of the attempted coup and the consequent chaos in Azerbaijan to further alienate the two enemies from each other by publicizing and accentuating the rift.

    The second crisis between Azerbaijan and Turkey happened in 2009 in the midst of signing the Armenia and Turkey Protocols, which envisioned normalizing relations between the two countries, including the establishment of formal diplomatic relations, opening of the Armenian-Turkish border and forming a joint historical commission to study the Armenian Genocide issue. These Protocols were brokered by the United States, Russia and France.

    Azerbaijan opposed the Protocols, fearing that if Turkey normalized relations with Armenia, it would weaken Azerbaijan’s pressure on Armenia in the Artsakh conflict.

    Turkey was caught in the middle of several conflicting interests:

    1) Turkey wanted to pursue its self-interest which was the softening of its antagonistic relations with Armenia to eliminate long-standing Armenian demands for the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide;

    2) Turkey was being pressured by the United States, Russia, and France to ratify these Protocols;

    3) Azerbaijan, Turkey’s junior partner, initially applied diplomatic pressure on Turkey and subsequently threatened to cut off the export of gas or increase its price. When that didn’t have the desired effect, Azerbaijan closed down several Turkish-funded mosques in Baku and took down Turkish flags. Azerbaijan’s foreign ministry declared that improving Armenia-Azerbaijan relations “directly contradicts the national interests of Azerbaijan and overshadows the spirit of brotherly relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey built on deep historical roots.”

    Once again, Armenia was merely a spectator in this conflict. Eventually, Turkey succumbed to the Azeri pressures and refused to ratify the Protocols.

    The third dispute between Ankara and Baku is happening at the moment after Pres. Erdogan embarrassed Azerbaijan by declaring on July 28: “Just as we entered Karabagh, just as we entered Libya, we should do the same with Israel. There is nothing stopping us. We just need to be strong to take this step.”

    Azerbaijan’s officials vehemently objected to Erdogan’s statement because it was exposing the Azeri myth that they won the Artsakh War without any outside help. The fact is that Azerbaijan was supported in the 2020 War by the Turkish military and commanders as well as the thousands of Jihadist mercenaries that Turkey brought to Azerbaijan from Syria to fight against Armenians.

    Despite the Azeri denials, Erdogan continued to repeat his statement about Turkish military’s involvement in the Artsakh conflict. On August 1, he said: “In Azerbaijan’s Karabagh, together with our Azerbaijani brothers, we completely eliminated the enemy forces.”

    Azerbaijan’s official Gazette responded in an editorial: “Our people, army and commander view with disappointment and deep sorrow the attempts to claim and take ownership of our rightful victory. Azerbaijan’s victory is for the entire Turkic world, but Turkey is not its architect. The Architects of the Karabagh victory are Commander-in-Chief Aliyev and the Azerbaijani Army.” The Azerbaijani Gazette described Erdogan’s words as “a heavy moral blow.”

    Baku pursued its disagreement with Turkey through diplomatic channels. On July 29, Azerbaijan’s ambassador to Turkey, Rashad Mammadov, met with Turkish Deputy Foreign Minister Mehmet Kemal Bozay to complain about Erdogan’s statement. Amb. Mammadov then paid a visit to Turkish Deputy Foreign Minister Berris Ekinci the following day to complain for the second time about Erdogan’s statement.

    Fortunately, Armenia’s Prime Minister reacted to this latest Azerbaijan-Turkey dispute when answering a reporter’s question during his August 31 press conference: “During the 44-day War [in 2020], in many locations, our military, our explorers saw Turkish flags, Turkish soldiers, Turkish Special Squadrons and Turkish high-ranking officers. Let’s not forget that prior to the 44-day War, there were large-scale military exercises between Azerbaijan and Turkey. And during the entire war, F-16 jets belonging to Turkey were literally in the air and drones belonging to Turkey were maintained by Turkish personnel.”

    Modern wars are not fought just with weapons. Nations also use psychological warfare, spread disinformation, instigate internal turmoil in hostile countries, and engage in divide and conquer tactics. Armenia needs to use all of these tools to undermine its enemies and defend its national interests.

    If Armenia lacks the expertise in such specialized operations, there are consulting firms that Armenia can hire, for a fraction of the millions spent on weapons, to weaken the enemy from within.

  • Khachigian’s Memoirs: How a Farmer’s Son Became Speechwriter for Nixon and Reagan

    Khachigian’s Memoirs: How a Farmer’s Son Became Speechwriter for Nixon and Reagan

    Ken Khachigian, the son of a farmer in Visalia, California, just published the captivating memoirs of his years in the White House as a speechwriter to two prominent U.S. Presidents, Nixon and Reagan. Titled, “Behind Closed Doors: In the Room with Reagan and Nixon,” the book’s cover page describes Khachigian as a “speechwriter, confidant and strategist to political legends.”

    Khachigian’s book has attracted keen attention. The Wall Street Journal published a very positive review by Tevi Troy. Quin Hillyer, a popular Washington columnist, wrote two laudatory reviews in the Washington Examiner. Khachigian’s memoirs was ranked #2 in pre-sales of all the titles for the publisher’s new releases in mid-summer. The publisher is now planning a second printing.

    Khachigian grew up in a struggling farmer’s family deprived of a shower and other basic necessities to become one of the most influential men in the White House. He started his involvement in politics as a volunteer for the Nixon presidential campaign. After the election, he became Nixon’s speechwriter. He then joined the Reagan administration as the president’s chief speechwriter. He also served as senior advisor and principal strategist for California Governor George Deukmejian in the 1982 and 1986 elections.

    In an interview with the Armenian Mirror-Spectator, Khachigian related a memorable episode that happened while he was working for Nixon, when his father passed away in 1975. The President wanted to know what he could do to honor the memory of Khachigian’s father. Since his father was from the Armenian village of Chomaklou in Turkey, Khachigian made the unusual request of asking Pres. Nixon to donate to the Chomaklou Compatriotic Society. Nixon obliged by writing a personal check for $500 to the Armenian society.

    Among the hundreds of texts Khachigian wrote for the two presidents, I must isolate two important documents he penned. Up until 1981, no U.S. President had described the Armenian Genocide as genocide. On April 22, 1981, Reagan issued a presidential proclamation in which he mentioned the Armenian Genocide. The text was written by Khachigian. This was 40 years before Pres. Biden finally issued a statement in 2021 officially recognizing the Armenian Genocide.

    While Turkish denialists try to dismiss Pres. Reagan’s 1981 proclamation by stating that it was written by the President’s Armenian speechwriter, Khachigian counters the Turkish accusation by saying that all Presidential Proclamations carry the President’s signature; therefore, the 1981 Proclamation is an official statement by the President of the United States.

    In his interview with the Mirror, Khachigian explained that since he was aware of the controversy regarding the mention of the Armenian Genocide by the White House, he checked with the Deputy National Security Advisor, Bud Nance, who said that he saw no problem with the reference. “Well that’s a fact, isn’t it?” Nance asked. Khachigian replied, “as far as I am concerned it is a fact.” Nance then said, “well, it is okay with me.”

    Khachigian then decided to make sure that there will be no problems with the reference to the Armenian Genocide in the Proclamation, so he checked with Richard Allen, the White House National Security Advisor. “I want to show this to you. I’d shown it to Bud Nance. Here, please read this proclamation,” Khachigian told Allen who replied: “well, that is an historic fact.” Khachigian told him, “well, yes it is.” Allen then said, “well, as long as it is an historic fact, there is no reason why it shouldn’t be in the proclamation.”

    Khachigian related another important Armenian-related episode in his book. He wrote that an Armenian friend, Jim Renjilian, invited Khachigian to accompany him to the Arlington Cemetery for Armenian Genocide Day Remembrance on April 24, 1985. During the commemorative program, Khachigian recalled the stories he had heard as a young boy about the tragic experiences of his family during the Armenian Genocide. His father was a survivor of that Genocide which Khachigian described as “the coerced exile from their homes when the Turks murdered the [Armenian] population of Anatolia by arms, starvation, pestilence, and forced march.”

    Khachigian then quoted from Aris Kalfaian’s book about Chomaklou, describing the suffering and hellish experiences of the deported Armenians. Khachigian disclosed that, as a result, his father “at age sixteen, lost his mother, his brother, and sister.”

    Khachigian, grief-stricken, described his emotions at the Arlington Cemetery: “The music and prayers in Arlington jolted me with reminders of my heritage and brought back those plaintive memories from my childhood. In 1915, there was a Bergen-Belsen in the Syrian desert that history had forgotten, and the pain and suffering endured by the victims and the survivors of the Armenian Genocide suddenly made my mission very real during our quiet ride back to the White House.”

    Khachigian described how the commemoration of the Armenian Genocide at the Arlington Cemetery inspired him to write what many have described as Reagan’s greatest speech which he delivered days later during his visit to the former concentration camp of Bergen-Belsen in Germany.

    Khachigian concluded, “the clattering of the keys on the IBM typewriter began shouting through me the story I absorbed that morning and the one the president — and I — needed to tell.”