AKRITAS PLAN
TOP SECRET HEADQUARTERS
Recent public statements by Archbishop Makarios have shown
the course which our national problem will take in near future.
As we have stressed in the past, national struggles cannot be
concluded overnight; nor is it possible to fix definite chronological
limits for the conclusion of the various stages of development in
national causes. Our national problem must be viewed in the light of
developments which take place and conditions that arise from time to
time, and measures to be taken, as well as their implementation and
timing, must be in keeping with the internal and external political
conditions. The whole process is difficult and must go through
various stages because factors which will affect the final conclusion
are numerous and different. It is sufficient for everyone to know,
however, that every step taken constitutes the result of a study and
that at the same time it forms the basis of future measures. Also,
it is sufficient to know that every measure now contemplated is a
first step and only constitutes a stage towards the final and
unalterable national objective which is the full and unconditional
application of the right of self-determination.
As the final objective remains unchanged, what must be dwelt
upon is the method to be employed towards attaining that objective.
This must, of necessity, be divided into internal and external
(international) tactics because the methods of the presentation and
handling of our cause within and outside the country are different.
A. METHOD TO BE USED OUTSIDE
In the closing stages of the (EOKA) struggle, the Cyprus problem
had been presented to the world public opinion and to diplomatic
circles as a demand of the people of Cyprus to exercise the right of
self-determination. But the question of Turkish minority had been
introduced in circumstances that are known, inter-communal clashes
had taken place and it had been tried to make it accepted that it
was impossible for the two communities to live together under a
united administration. Finally the problem was solved, in the eyes
of many international circles, by the London and Zurich Agreements,
which were shown as solving the problem following negotiations and
agreements between the contending parties.
(a) Consequently our first aim has been to create the impression
in the international field that the Cyprus problem has not
been solved and that it has to be reviewed.
(b) The creation of the following impressions has been accepted
as the primary objective:
(i) that the solution which has been found is not satisfactory
and just
(ii) that the agreement which has been reached is not the
result of the free will of the contending parties.
(iii)that the demand for the revision for the agreements is not
because of any desire on the part of the Greeks to dishonor
their signature, but an imperative necessity of survival
of them.
(iv) that the co-existence of the two communities is possible, and
(v) that the Greek majority, and not the Turks, constitute the
strong elements on which foreigners must rely.
(c) Although it was most difficult to attain the above objectives,
satisfactory results have been achieved. Many diplomatic
missions have already come to believe strongly that the Agreements
are neither just nor satisfactory, that they were signed as a
result of pressures and intimidations without real negotiations,
and that they were imposed after many threats. It has been an
important trump in our hands that the solution brought by the
Agreements was not submitted to the approval of the people; acting
wisely in this respect, our leadership avoided holding a
referandum. Otherwise, the people would have definitely approved
the Agreements in the atmosphere that prevailed in 1959.
Generally speaking, it has been shown that so far the adminis-
tration of Cyprus has been carried out by the Greeks and that the
Turks played only a negative part acting as a brake.
(d) Having completed the first stage of our activities and objectives
we must materialize the second stage on an international level.
Our objective in this second stage is to show:
(i) that the aim of the Greeks is not to oppress the Turks but
only to remove unreasonable and unjust provisions of the
administrative mechanism;
(ii) that it is necessary to remove these provisions right away
because tomorrow may be too late;
(iii)Omitted
(iv) that this question of revision is a domestic issue for
Cypriots and does not therefore give the right of
intervention to anyone by force or otherwise;
(v) that the proposed amendments are reasonable and just and
safeguard the reasonable rights of the minority.
(e) Generally speaking, it is obvious that today the international
opinion is against any form of oppression, and especially against
oppresion of minorities. The Turks have so far been able to
convince world public opinion that the union of Cyprus with
Greece will amount to their enslavement. Under these circumstances
we stand a good chance of success in influencing world public
opinion if we base our struggle not on ENOSIS but on self-
determination. But in order to be able to exercise the right
of self-determination fully and without hindrance, we must first
get rid of the Agreements (e.g. the Treaty of Gurantee, the
Treaty of Alliance etc) and of those provisions in the
Constitution which will inhibit the free and unbridled expression
of the will of people and which they carry dangers of external
intervention. For this reason, our first target has been the
Treaty of Guarantee, which is the first Agreement to be cited
as not being recognized by the Greek Cypriots.
When the Treaty of Guarantee is removed no legal or moral force
will remain to obstruct us in determining our future through a
plebiscite.
It will be understood from the above explanations that it is
necessary to follow a chain of efforts and developments in order
to ensure the success of our Plan. If these efforts and
developments failed to materialize, our future actions would
be legally unjustified and politically unattainable and we would
be exposing Cyprus and its people to grave consequences. Actions
to be taken are as follows:
(a) The amendment of the negative elements of the Agreements and
the consequent de facto nullification of the Treaties of
Guarantee and Alliance. This step is essential because the
necessity of amending the negative aspects of any Agreement is
generally acceptable internationally and is considered reasonable
(passage omitted) whereas an external intervention to prevent
the amendment of such negative provisions is held unjustified
and inapplicable.
(b) Once this is achieved the Treaty of Guarantee (the right of
intervention) will become legally and substantially inapplicable.
(c) Once those provisions of the Treaties of Guarantee and Alliance
which restrict the exercise of the right of self-determination
are removed, the people of Cyprus will be able, freely, to express
and apply its will.
(d) It will be possible for the Force of the State (the Police Force)
and in addition, friendly military Forces, to resist legitimately
any intervention internally or from outside, because we will then
be completely independent.
It will be seen that it is necessary for actions from (a) to (d)
to be carried out in the order indicated.
It is consequently evident that if we ever hope to have any chance
of success in the international field, we cannot and should not reveal
or proclaim any stage of the struggle before the previous stage is
completed. For instance, it is accepted that the above four stages
constitute the necessary course to be taken, then it is obvious that
it would be senseless for us to speak of amendment (a) if stage (d)
is revealed, because it would then be rediculous for us to seek the
amendment of the negative points with the excuse that these amendments
are necessary for the functioning of the State and of the Agreements.
The above are the points regarding our targets and aims, and the
procedure to be followed in the international field.
B. THE INTERNAL ASPECT
Our activities in the internal field will be regulated according
to their repercussions and to interpretations to be given to them in
the world and according to the effect of our actions on our national
cause.
1- The only danger that can be described as insurmountable is the
possibility of a forceful intervention. This danger, which could be
met partly or wholly by our forces is important because of the
political damage that it could do rather than the material losses
that it could entail. If intervention took place before stage (c),
then such intervention would be legally tenable at least, if not
entirely justifiable. This would be very much against us both
internationally and at the United Nations. The history of many similar
incidents in recent times shows us that in no case of intervention,
even if legally excusable, has the attacker been removed by either
the United Nations or the other powers without significant concessions
to the detriment of the attacked party. Even in the case of the attack
on Suez Canal by Israel, which was condemned by almost all members of
the United Nations and for which Russia threatened intervention, the
Israelis were removed but, as a concession, they continued to keep
the port of Eliat in the Red Sea. There are, however, more serious
dangers in the case of Cyprus.
If we do our work well and justify the attempt we shall make
under stage (a) above, we will see, on the one hand, that intervention
will not be justified and, on the other hand, we will have every
support since, by the Treaty of Guarantee, intervention cannot take
place before negotiations take place between the Guarantor Powers, that
is, Britain, Greece, and Turkey. It is at this stage, i.e. at the stage
of contacts (before intervention) that we shall need international
support. We shall obtain this support if the amendments proposed by us
seem reasonable and justified. Therefore, we have to be extremely
careful in selecting the amendments that we shall propose.
The first step, therefore, would be to get rid of intervention
by proposing amendments in the first stage. Tactic to be followed:
(Omitted)
2- It is evident that for intervention to be justified there must
be a more serious reason and a more immediate danger than simple
Constitutional amendments. Such reasons can be:
(a) The declaration of ENOSIS before actions (a) to (c)
(b) Serious intercommunal unrest which may be shown as a massacre
of Turks.
The first reason is removed as a result of the Plan drawn up for
the first stage and consequently what remains, is the danger of
intercommunal strife. We do not intend to engage, without provocation,
in massacre or attack against the Turks. Therefore, (section omitted)
the Turks can react strongly and incite incidents and strife, or falsely
stage massacres, clashes or bomb explosions in order to create the
impression that the Greeks attacked the Turks and that intervention
is imperative for their protection. Tactic to be employed: Our actions
for amending the Constitution will not be secret; we would always appear
to be ready for peaceful talks and our actions would not take any
provocative and violent form. Any incidents that may take place will be
met, at the beginning, in a legal fashion by the legal Security Forces,
according to a plan. Our actions will have a legal form.
3- (Omitted)
4- It is, however, naive to believe that it is impossible for us to
proceed to substantial actions for amending the Constitution, as a first
step towards our more general Plan as described above, without expecting
the Turks to create or stage incidents and clashes. For this reason,
the existence and the strengthening of our Organization is imperative
because: (a) if, in case of spontaneous resistance by the Turks, our
counter attack is not immediate, we run the risk of having a panic
created among the Greeks, in towns particular. We will then be in
danger of losing vast areas of vital importance to the Turks, while
if we show our strength to the Turks immediately and forcefully, then
they will probably be brought to their senses and restrict their
activities to insignificant, isolated incidents. (b) In case of a
planned or unplanned attack by the Turks, whether this be staged or not
it is necessary to suppress this forcefully in the shortest possible
time, since, if we manage to become masters of the situation within
a day or two, outside intervention would not be possible, probable or
justifiable. (c) The forceful and decisive suppressing of any Turkish
effort will greatly facilitate our subsequent actions for further
Constitutional amendments, and it should then be possible to apply
these without the Turks being able to show any reaction. Because they
will learn that it is impossible for them to show any reaction without
serious consequences for their Community. (d) In case of the clashes
becoming widespread, we must be ready to proceed immediately through
actions (a) to (d), including the immediate declaration of ENOSIS,
because, then, there will be no need to wait or to engage in diplomatic
activity.
5- In all these stages we must not overlook the factor of
enlightening, and of facing the propaganda of those who do not know or
cannot be expected to know our plans, as well as of the reactionary
elements. It has been shown that our struggle must go through at least
four stages and that we are obliged not to reveal our plans and
intentions prematurely. It is therefore more than a national duty for
everyone to observe full secrecy in the matter. Secrecy is vitally
essential for our success and survival. This, however, does not prevent
the reactionaries and irresponsible demagogues from indulging in false
patriotic manifestations and provocations. Our Plan would provide them
with the possibility of putting forward accusations to the effect that
the aims of our leadership are not national and that only the amendment
of the Constitution is envisaged. The need for carrying out
Constitutional amendments in stages and in accordance with the
prevailing conditions, makes our job even more difficult. All this must
not, however, be allowed to drag us to irresponsible demagogy, street
politics and a race of nationalism. Our deeds will be our undeniable
justification. In any case owing to the fact that, for well-known
reasons, the above Plan must have been carried out and borne fruit long
before the next elections, we must distinguish ourselves with
self-restraint and moderation in the short time that we have. Parallel
with this, we should not only maintain but reinforce the present unity
and discipline of our patriotic forces. We can succeed in this only by
properly enlightening our members so that they in turn enlighten the
public.
Before anything else we must expose the true identity of the
reactionaries. These are petty and irresponsible demagogues and
opportunists. Their recent history shows this. They are unsuccessful,
negative and antiprogressive elements who attack our leadership like
mad dogs but who are unable to put forward any substantive and
practical solution of their own. In order to succeed in all our
activities we need a strong and stable government, up to the last
minute. They are known as clamorous slogan-creators who are good for
nothing but speech-making. When it comes to taking definite actions
or making sacrifices they are soon shown to be unwilling weaklings. A
typical example of this is that even at the present stage they have no
better proposal to make than to suggest that we should have recourse
to the United Nations. It is therefore necessary that they should be
isolated and kept at a distance.
We must enlighten our members about our plans and objectives ONLY
VERBALLY. Meetings must be held at the sub-headquarters of the
Organization to enlighten leaders and members so that they are properly
equipped to enlighten others. NO WRITTEN EXPLANATION OF ANY SORT IS
ALLOWED. LOSS OR LEAKAGE OF ANY DOCUMENT PERTAINING TO THE ABOVE IS
EQUIVALENT TO HIGH TREASON. There can be no action that would inflict
a heavier blow to our struggle than any revealing of the contents of
the present document or the publication of this by the opposition.
Outside the verbal enlightenment of our members, all our
activities, and our publications in the press in particular, must be
most restrained and must not divulge any of the above. Only responsible
persons will be allowed to make public speeches and statements and will
refer to this Plan only generally under their personal responsibility
and under the personal responsibilty of the Chief of sub-headquarters
concerned. Also, any reference to the written Plan should be done only
after the formal approval of the Chief of the sub-headquarters who will
control the speech or statement. But in any case such speech or
statement MUST NEVER BE ALLOWED TO APPEAR IN THE PRESS OR ANY OTHER
PUBLICATION.
The tactic to be followed: Great effort must be made to enlighten
our members and the public VERBALLY. Every effort must be made to show
ourselves as moderates. Any reference to our plans in writing, or
any reference in the press or in any document is strictly prohibited.
Responsible officials and other responsible persons will continue
to enlighten the public and to increase its morale and fighting spirit
without ever divulging any of our plans through the press or otherwise.
NOTE: The present document should be destroyed by burning under the
personal responsibilities of the Chief of the sub-headquarters and in
the presence of all members of the staff within 10 days of its being
received. It is strictly prohibited to make copies of the whole or any
part of this document. Staff members of sub-headquarters may have it in
their possession only under the personal responsibility of the Chief
of sub-headquarters, but in no case is anyone allowed to take it out
of the office of sub-headquarters.
The Chief
AKRITAS
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